Published on July 21, 2008
After Chetta's 'truce' and the Preah Vihear debacle, it's time to take a hard look at the people we elect
From the stand-off between Thai and Cambodian soldiers along the Northeast border to the deep South, where an end to the 100-year-old insurgency was announced, Thailand over this past week found itself caught between hope and despair. But in the end, the latter was too good to be true. How did Thailand find itself in this predicament? The answer, it seems, lies with all of us, particularly our short-sighted, ill-considered, brain-dead leaders who lack the political courage to go against public sentiment that could, if worse came to worst, put Thailand on the war path.
First, there was retired Army commander Chetta Thanajaro claiming credit for supposedly brokering an end to the ongoing insurgency in the deep South. The former defence minister, who now leads the small Ruam Jai Thai Chart Pattana Party, thought he could score some quick political points by making the bold announcement.
But once it became clear that the self-proclaimed separatist leaders were not the real thing, Chetta had nowhere to go but down.
Surely he couldn't have been that na๏ve? After all, the man is a highly decorated Army veteran and a former defence minister. Did he really think he could get away with having three unnamed men sporting fake beards announce a historic breakthrough in the deep South? Did he think that would be enough to convince the public?
He must know that the credibility of his claim will be readily apparent in time. The ceasefire was supposed to have gone into effect on July 14. The statement was aired on July 17. In the three intervening days, and shortly thereafter, police headquarters in Yala and Pattani were bombed, while a patrol unit was ambushed just two hours after the supposed "truce" was announced.
If this is the measure of our elected leaders, perhaps it is time for us to ask ourselves whether we are doing enough as citizens to scrutinise the kind of people we put into office.
Meanwhile, along the Thai-Cambodian border in the Northeast, leaders of the two countries have found themselves on a fast-moving train of nationalism and they can't get off.
First, the Cambodians succeeded in getting Preah Vihear declared a Unesco World Heritage site, with Cambodia as the only country attached to the bid, never mind that part of the temple is on disputed territory. After all, this is an election year in Cambodia and every move like this helps - even if it means that only part of the temple could be put on the prestigious list.
The dispute took a turn for the worse when a group of Thais decided they wouldn't accept the decision and would rather continue to cry over spilled milk. They blocked roads, charged the hills and spilled blood as they clashed with fellow Thais on the emotionally charged matter.
And when some of them crossed into the disputed overlapping border area and forced Cambodian authorities to react, the government responded by dispatching 400 troops to the area. Cambodia reciprocated and dispatched 1,000 troops.
Phnom Penh was confident that it had acted properly and thus flew foreign officials into the border area to witness firsthand the deteriorating relations between the two countries.
After Chetta's 'truce' and the Preah Vihear debacle, it's time to take a hard look at the people we elect
From the stand-off between Thai and Cambodian soldiers along the Northeast border to the deep South, where an end to the 100-year-old insurgency was announced, Thailand over this past week found itself caught between hope and despair. But in the end, the latter was too good to be true. How did Thailand find itself in this predicament? The answer, it seems, lies with all of us, particularly our short-sighted, ill-considered, brain-dead leaders who lack the political courage to go against public sentiment that could, if worse came to worst, put Thailand on the war path.
First, there was retired Army commander Chetta Thanajaro claiming credit for supposedly brokering an end to the ongoing insurgency in the deep South. The former defence minister, who now leads the small Ruam Jai Thai Chart Pattana Party, thought he could score some quick political points by making the bold announcement.
But once it became clear that the self-proclaimed separatist leaders were not the real thing, Chetta had nowhere to go but down.
Surely he couldn't have been that na๏ve? After all, the man is a highly decorated Army veteran and a former defence minister. Did he really think he could get away with having three unnamed men sporting fake beards announce a historic breakthrough in the deep South? Did he think that would be enough to convince the public?
He must know that the credibility of his claim will be readily apparent in time. The ceasefire was supposed to have gone into effect on July 14. The statement was aired on July 17. In the three intervening days, and shortly thereafter, police headquarters in Yala and Pattani were bombed, while a patrol unit was ambushed just two hours after the supposed "truce" was announced.
If this is the measure of our elected leaders, perhaps it is time for us to ask ourselves whether we are doing enough as citizens to scrutinise the kind of people we put into office.
Meanwhile, along the Thai-Cambodian border in the Northeast, leaders of the two countries have found themselves on a fast-moving train of nationalism and they can't get off.
First, the Cambodians succeeded in getting Preah Vihear declared a Unesco World Heritage site, with Cambodia as the only country attached to the bid, never mind that part of the temple is on disputed territory. After all, this is an election year in Cambodia and every move like this helps - even if it means that only part of the temple could be put on the prestigious list.
The dispute took a turn for the worse when a group of Thais decided they wouldn't accept the decision and would rather continue to cry over spilled milk. They blocked roads, charged the hills and spilled blood as they clashed with fellow Thais on the emotionally charged matter.
And when some of them crossed into the disputed overlapping border area and forced Cambodian authorities to react, the government responded by dispatching 400 troops to the area. Cambodia reciprocated and dispatched 1,000 troops.
Phnom Penh was confident that it had acted properly and thus flew foreign officials into the border area to witness firsthand the deteriorating relations between the two countries.
Does anybody know the rules of engagement, or even what the military mission of the troops of the two countries is?
Pictures of the troops from both sides sitting on the grass and having a picnic lunch were certainly for domestic consumption. This is not to say that this is unprecedented. Troops and security officials of both countries have often mingled in the past. Doing so became status quo back in 2000 when both countries agreed that it should be. There have been some minor disagreements and protests, such as those taking place on the road leading to the site from inland Cambodia, but back then diplomatic notes of protest were not delivered by hundreds of armed paramilitary rangers. Tensions didn't stop soldiers on either side from getting together and sipping whisky at night.
Today, the atmosphere has changed completely. Protest letters from Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen calling on Thailand to withdraw its troops drew an equally strong-worded response from Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej.
The two men, it seems, have put themselves in a tight corner and don't know how to get out of it.
It would not have been so bad if it was just the two of them. We could call it the "Battle of the Brain-dead". But unfortunately, any errors in judgement from them could have grave consequences on the citizens of both countries.
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