kiletters
RFA posted this video clip showing Hun Xen regime's police brutality against Mrs. Mu Sochua supporters following her guilty verdict handed down by the CPP-controller Phnom Penh Municipal Court.






kiletters
RFA posted this video clip showing Hun Xen regime's police brutality against Mrs. Mu Sochua supporters following her guilty verdict handed down by the CPP-controller Phnom Penh Municipal Court.
Thailand's Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya (R) and Cambodia's Foreign Minister Hor Namhong speak during a news conference after a bilateral meeting in Bangkok August 5, 2009. Both sides said they would solve differences on border areas with diplomacy in a friendly manner.
REUTERS/Sukree Sukplang
Kambol (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 04/08/2009: In the public gallery, many villagers attended the hearing at the ECCC on this day. Inconvenienced by the freezing air-conditioning, many were those who warmed up outside during the break… when they did not leave the gallery during the hearing
©Stéphanie Gée
The third minutes read were those of the very media-savvy Nhem En, born in 1959 and former photographer of the Angkar. He referred to an internship carried out, under Khmer Rouge supervision, in China with other children. There, he specified, he “was the best at folding blankets,” a test to determine if young children were “rigorous.” He was trained in photography and was led to photograph the regime top leaders during meetings, delegations visiting Democratic Kampuchea or ongoing projects. He used to accompany “Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Son Sen, sometimes Khieu Samphan.” He worked at S-21 in early 1977, he said. “Duch was very strict and I was not allowed to make any mistakes […]. It was a question of life and death.” He said he was among six photographers who took photographs of most prisoners when they arrived at S-21. According to him, “Son Sen came to S-21 once a week.” At S-21, he photographed Vietnamese “who arrived in their uniforms.” He rejected the hypothesis of a staging behind the prisoners wearing military uniforms because, he argued, “Khmer Rouge did not like to pretend.” He was in direct contact with Duch when the latter called him “to come and take pictures of his family.” And as a coincidence, while he was passing by on his bicycle, he saw the accused “beat up a prisoner in front of Tuol Sleng.”
The escalation in witnesses did not bring anything to the debates and lost the trial’s momentum.
The defence contests the testimony of photographer Nhem En
Co-prosecutors and civil party lawyers had no observation to make regarding this testimony, but the defence did. “Please allow me […] to say that our judicial process deserves better than this kind of testimony. I still don’t understand how the co-Prosecutors could have put this witness on their list and I thank the Chamber for sparing us from having to listen for hours to this man, whom we now know has tried to auction, he said, Pol Pot’s sandals for 500,000 dollars. This man has deluded for years some journalists, even some researchers. I do not think he deserves any further comment.” In the name of the defence, François Roux clarified for the judges he did not object to the statement and accepted its inclusion in the case file, but that he contested it strongly on the substance.
Following him, Duch hammered his point: “About what [Nhem En] said concerning his activity as a photographer at S-21, there are a few gaps but on the whole, his testimony is accurate. However, what he said on his trip to China, that is completely fabricated. The truth is that in 1976, Pol Pot sent his nephew to study photography in China […] and Nhem En was not part of the trip. He was the son of a S-21 staff member and he was not authorised to take pictures outside of S-21. […] Nhem En is too proud when he says he studied in China and he was a good photographer and able to make movies. As for his claim he came to take pictures of my family, that is not true. I had my own camera, which I used to take photographs of my own family without Nhem En’s help.”
http://www.sciencedaily.com/
ScienceDaily (Aug. 4, 2009) — As leaders of the former Khmer Rouge regime testify in a human rights tribunal, in harrowing detail, for the killing of more than a million Cambodians from 1975 to 1979 a central medical question remains unanswered: will the trials help a society heal or exacerbate the lingering affects of widespread trauma?
A new study offers insight, but sustains the paradox: more than 75 percent of Cambodians believe the Khmer Rouge trials, formally called the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, will provide justice and promote reconciliation, but more than 87 percent of people old enough to remember the torture and murder during the Khmer Rouge era say the trials will rekindle "painful memories."
"Cambodians have high hopes that the Khmer Rouge trials will deliver justice. However, they also have great fears of revisiting the past," says Jeffrey Sonis, M.D., M.P.H., an associate professor in the departments of Social Medicine and Family Medicine at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Medicine, lead author of the study that appears in the Aug. 6 issue of the Journal of the American Medical Association.
"We just don't know how tribunals affect a society, whether they increase mental and physical disabilities or relieve them," Sonis says. Sonis and colleagues are now conducting a longitudinal study, funded by the National Institute of Mental Health, to measure the effects of the trials on Cambodians over time.
Preparation for the trials, co-sponsored by the Cambodian government and the United Nations, began in 2006, 26 years after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge under its leader, Pol Pot. The first public trial, of Kaing Guek Eav, leader of the notorious Tuol Sleng prison, where thousands were tortured and killed, began earlier this year. Accounts of the genocide estimate between 1 million and 2 million people were killed to create an "agrarian collectivism" a communist concept for an ideal society.
Between December 2006 and August 2007 Sonis and an international team of colleagues, including researchers from the Center for Advanced Study in Phnom Penh, conducted a national survey of more than 1,000 Cambodians age 18 and older; 813 were 35 and older and would have been at least 3 years old when the killings began.
More than 14 percent of respondents over age 35, and 7.9 percent of people 18 to 35, suffered from "probable postraumatic stress disorder" (respondents met criteria on a common questionnaire, but did not receive an official clinical diagnosis), which resulted in significant rates of mental and physical disabilities. Previous studies have reported higher rates of PTSD in Cambodians, but were mostly conducted among Cambodia refugees. The rate (11 percent) of probable PTSD among all Cambodians over the age of 18 was more than 5 times the rate among U.S. adults, based on the National Comorbidity Survey.
Among the older group, half said they were close to death during the Khmer Rouge era and 31 percent reported physical or mental torture.
Respondents who did not believe justice had been served, up to the time of the survey, and those who felt the need for revenge were more likely to have PTSD. Also, people who had more knowledge of the trial had higher rates of PTSD. Yet most Cambodians had highly positive attitudes about the trials.
Another paradox emerged from the respondents: Almost half of the respondents in this overwhelmingly Buddhist country thought the trials "go against the teachings of Buddha." However, when asked about attitudes toward the Khmer Rouge, 63 percent of respondents strongly agreed, and 21 percent agreed with the statement, "I would like to make them suffer."
Tribunals to assess crimes of war and crimes against humanity are becoming more common. In June, Charles Taylor, former president of Liberia, answered questions in an international courtroom in Paris about his alleged role in genocide in Sierra Leone in the 1990s. The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, a UN-sponsored trial, has been underway since 1993 and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda since 1995. The Nuremberg Trials is perhaps the most well known.
The Khmer Rouge trials offer the opportunity to better gauge the efficacy of these trials, and those lessons hold relevance across a spectrum of injustice.
"The larger question raised by our study is whether attempts to promote justice for survivors of violence – whether en masse or inflicted by one individual to another – can help lessen its psychological toll," Sonis says. "We simply don't know the answers yet."