Wednesday, 15 July 2009

How does one get from Siem Reap to Thailand's Ko Chang island?

PHOTO BY TRACEY SHELTON / PHOTO SUPPLIED
From the splendour of Angkor (left) to the tropical beach surrounds of Thailand's popular tourist isle Ko Chang.


The Phnom Penh Post
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
Travelfish.org

The historic and cultural sites at Angkor are magnificent, but most travelers get templed out eventually, so for those seeking an island escape in Thailand, here is a suggested itinerary

So you're done with the temples, and it's time for some serious beach time. Where better to head than the glorious islands in Thailand's Trat province?

After all, the pier at Laem Ngop is just a share taxi, tuk-tuk, bus, another bus and a songtheaw ride away. Then from there you just need to settle on which island - Ko Chang, Ko Maak, Ko Kut, Ko Wai - oh decisions, decisions. Read on for the inside line on how to get between the two - and yes, it is possible to leave Siem Reap after breakfast (not brunch!) and be on the island in time for a before-dinner dip.

Siem Reap to the border
There are three main ways to get between Siem Reap and Poipet (the border town between Cambodia and Thailand and an absolute armpit of a town) - tourist minibus, share taxi and pickup truck.

The tourist minibus should be avoided at all costs, as it will inevitably transform into a scam-bus not long after leaving Siem Reap and you'll have precious time wasted as they waste your time. Take our word for it - do not take a tourist mini bus service to Poipet - they are all scams.

The pickup truck is only an option if you're trying to prove yourself to your travelling partner as being a hard-as-nails, down and dirty budget traveller. You'll certainly be dirty by the end, in fact you'll be absolutely filthy. You'll also lose time in Sisophon (where you'll need to change from one heap of junk to another), and you won't get to Ko Chang in the same day. You will save a few dollars though. If you still want to do it by pick-up, be a bit of a softie and opt for a seat inside the cabin.

A share taxi is the way to go - either hire the entire car yourself or buy a seat (or two) in one. This is, by far, the fastest way to get to the border. Expect to pay US$25-35 for an entire car.

The route map as seen on Google Maps. PHOTO SUPPLIED

The border
The Poipet border can be a bit time consuming at times, depending on crowds and how hard the officials feel like working. The most important piece of advice is to ignore all touts - ALL of them. You're best to get there as early as possible to avoid the crowds.

Once you're through both sides of immigration, continue on to the market and take a tuk-tuk to the government bus station in Aranyprathet (6 kilometres away).

A crossing can take as little as ten minutes or as long as three hours - this can be a real wild card when it comes to doing the ruins to beach run in a day.

Aranyprathet bus station
Aranyprathet bus station has buses to both Bangkok and Chanthaburi, but there are no direct buses to Trat. Instead, you need to catch a bus to Chanthaburi and then change buses there. The bus to Chanthaburi should take around three hours.

Chanthaburi
There's no need to leave the bus station, as buses to Trat leave from the same terminal you'll be dropped at coming from Aranyprathet. The bus to Trat should take between an hour and a half and two hours.

Trat
Once you are in Trat, you need to get a songtheaw to one of the three piers that serve the Ko Chang island group. All three piers are around an hour from Trat by songtheaw.

Laem Ngop to Ko Chang
There are three piers that send boats to Ko Chang. The main Laem Ngop pier, Centrepoint Pier, 4km north and Thammachart Pier some 9km from Laem Ngop.

The latter two double as car ferries and while Thammachart drops you at Ao Sapparot on Ko Chang, the other two, Laem Ngop and Centrepoint, will drop you at Dan Kao, which is a little further from all the main beaches.

Ferry cross the Andaman
Ferries leave Laem Ngop six times a day between 7am and 5pm, take an hour and cost 100 baht. From Thammachart, ferries leave nine times daily between 7am and 7pm and take just 30 minutes, costing 100 baht. From Centrepoint departures are similar to Laem Ngop - six times daily between 7am and 5pm, take around 45 minutes and cost 100 baht.

All of the ferries are met on Ko Chang by songtheaws, which will transport you to your beach of choice.

Laem Ngop to Ko Wai, Ko Maak and Ko Kham
There is one slow boat a day from Laem Ngop pier to Ko Wai, Ko Maak and Ko Kham, leaving Laem Ngop at 3pm, taking around three hours and costing 300 baht. Speedboats services are also available.

Laem Ngop to Ko Kut
Boats leave Laem Ngop every Friday, Saturday and Tuesday for Ko Kut, but they leave at 9am so you'll need to overnight in Trat to get these. They pass by both Ko Wai and Ko Maak.
www.travelfish.org

Bheut Kam eyes Nuon Soriya

Photo by: Virginie Noel
29-year-old Nuon Soriya is wary of Bheut Kam’s stamina and strength in the clinch.

The Phnom Penh Post
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
Robert Starkweather

Formidable 22-year-old Bheut Kam steps into the ring with veteran Nuon Soriya Sunday in a highly anticipated bout at the TV5 boxing arena in Takhmao

AS a teenager, Bheut Kam terrorised the local boxing scene. When he stepped up to the 67-kilogram weight class earlier this month, now aged 22, the move sent shudders through the lightweight division. The sport's most dominant little man had grown up.

While the move likely crushed the dreams of many lightweight hopefuls, it delighted fans, who pined to see the Battambang southpaw take on a new division of champions.

The first will be Nuon Soriya, who faces Bheut Kam in a highly anticipated bout Sunday at the TV5 boxing arena in Takhmao.
Bheut Kam enters the ring Sunday with a record of 171-4-1. Nuon Soriya, who began fighting 18 years ago at the age of 11, lost track of wins and losses long ago.

Photo by: Robert Starkweather
Battambang southpaw Bheut Kam faces his childhood hero Nuon Soriya Sunday at TV5 boxing arena in Takhmao.


"When I was young, he was already famous," Bheut Kam said after a recent afternoon workout. "I would watch him fight against foreigners. He was always very good."

A graceful, fleet-footed technician, Bheut Kam dominated boxing's lower weight divisions since first putting on gloves six years ago at the tender age of 17. He holds five titles in three weight classes, including three at 60 kilograms, a division he owned for many years.

Bheut Kam yet to lose in 2009
After a largely inactive year in 2008, Bheut Kam has fought five times in 2009, winning three times in France and twice at home. For the bouts in France earlier this year, he weighed in at 66 kilograms. In his most recent outing, a July 5 dismantling of Pao Puot at TV5, Bheut Kam fought at the announced weight of 67 kilograms, the heaviest of his career.

His move up to the 67-kilogram weight class set off waves of expectation in the boxing world, as fight fans anticipated a new round of matches with champions from the heavier divisions, among them Nuon Soriya.

At 29 years old, Nuon Soriya is admittedly no longer in the prime of his career. He still remains among the very best fighters active today, but holds no illusions about the challenge that Bheut Kam presents.

"He is very good," said Nuon Soriya, sitting ringside at the Angkor Youth Boxing Club, where he works as a trainer. "He will be tough to beat."

Age, he predicted, not ability, will likely be the decider in Sunday's bout.

"We are of comparable skill," he said, the grunts of sparring fighters lending a gritty authenticity to the dim club atmosphere. "But I am older, and my stamina is not as good as his."

"I think my hands are better, but in the clinch he is stronger," he added.

Fighting with Christian faith
Bheut Kam, a Christian who brings a mouth guard, hand wraps and a Khmer-language Bible to every fight, refrained from speculating on the outcome of Sunday's contest.

"I don't dare make predictions," he said. "I just put my trust in Jesus."
Sunday's fight schedule begins at 3:30pm.

Crown cancel Thai trip

The Phnom Penh Post
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
KEN GADAFFI

CPL champions Phnom Penh Crown were forced to cancel their trip to Thailand on Tuesday due to their failure to gather sufficient documen-tation from some of their foreign players for visas in time. "We are sorry we couldn't make the trip," said Crown manager Makara Be by phone Tuesday, adding that he intends to organise a trip to Thailand sometime in the near future. Crown were aiming to use the trip to expose some of their players to Thai Premier League (TPL) teams - who will go on a mid-season break in a week's time - for potential transfer consideration. Meanwhile, Crown's Cameroonian-born striker Jean-Roger Lappe Lappe, who is on a two month loan to TPL strrugglers Samuth Songkhram FC, is expected back August 15.

India, Asean set to meet again on trade agreement

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com

15 Jul 2009
Amiti Sen, ET Bureau

NEW DELHI: Top officials from India and the ten-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or Asean, will meet in Manila on Thursday to lay
down the road map for the implementation of the proposed bilateral free trade agreement (FTA), which has been bogged down by many delays over the years.

The FTA, which seeks to eliminate tariffs on more than 4,000 products, including electronic goods, chemicals, certain capital goods and some categories of textiles, is scheduled to be implemented from January 1, 2010.

Indeed, talks were supposed to have been wrapped up as early as 2007, but got mired many times in tariff disputes between India and regional heavyweights Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand on commodities like crude, palm oil, metals and textiles.

Asean members include Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, the Philippines, Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam.

In Manila, the officials are expected to set a time frame and milestones for the eleven governments to get the treaty approved at their national levels.

India has managed to convince Asean not to set the year-end as the deadline for implementing various phases of the tariff cuts as was originally envisaged when the agreement was scheduled to be implemented from January 1, 2009.

“Since the agreement will now be implemented one year later than originally proposed, the end dates also have to be logically extended by one year. Initially, the Asean was not agreeable to this, but we managed to persuade them,” a commerce department official told ET.

Earlier, India had also persuaded the Asean to give up its demand of executing tariff cuts twice a year instead of annual cuts. This would have forced India to cut duties at a faster rate than it is prepared to do.

As per the agreement, duties on 4,000 items out of the 5,000-odd items traded between the two sides will be brought down to 0-4% levels over six years.

While 479 items (comprising mostly agricultural products from India’s side) will be shielded from tariff cuts, duties on products marked as sensitive (like garments and automobiles), will be reduced to 5% over 3-9 years.

Although the UPA government, during its previous regime, had got the approval of various departments and ministries on the FTA, it had to seek fresh approval after the general elections.

“We had to go to each ministry and department again to seek approval. Now we are ready to place the agreement with the Cabinet for its nod,” the official said.

Pupils set off for Cambodia expedition

Tuesday 14th July 2009

IT was an emotional and exciting farewell when, at 9am on Monday, June 29, fourteen intrepid explorers set off on a challenge of a lifetime from St Cyres to Cambodia and Thailand.

This is no holiday trip as they will be working at a charity school called the ‘Beautiful Children of Anghor’ in central rural Cambodia.

The local village has no electricity or mains water and the parents of the children earn on average 50p per day. Cambodia is the fourth poorest country in the world. Add the fact that in recent times, a quarter of the population disappeared under the tyrannical rule of the Khmer Rouge and you have a country in need of help.

The pupils from St Cyres will arrive with gifts and will spend a couple of weeks completing manual projects such as concreting, building and painting at the school. They will also spend time with the children, playing games and telling them about themselves.

Once the project is finished, they will use local transport to travel into Thailand and visit the jungles around Kachanaburi (Bridge over the River Kwai).

After learning some jungle techniques, the group will head for the deeper jungles of Northern Thailand where several nights will be spent sleeping in hammocks and trekking through dense undergrowth near the Burmese border.

Finally a long journey will take the team down to Bangkok where, at last, they will have two days to rest before the 14-hour flight back to the UK.

To keep up with the expedition’s progress, go to http://www.photobucket.com/stcyresexpedition which will be updated with photos (depending on access to Internet points in the two countries).

Khieu Kanharith: “A Spokesperson Must Tell the Truth, but Just Some Truths Cannot Be Told” – Tuesday, 14.7.2009

Posted on 15 July 2009
The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 621
http://cambodiamirror.wordpress.com/

“Phnom Penh: After last week’s training of spokespersons for the military and for the national police was finished, the Ministry of Information opens a new training course for civil officials of the Royal Government, and the Minister of Information described it as an essential task.

“The Minister of Information, Mr. Khieu Kanharith, said during the opening ceremony on 13 July 2009 of the course for spokespersons, that to communicate with journalists and with people in general is really important – so that they can understand the policies and the positions that their respective institutions, ministries, and province administrations area taking or have achieved.

“The Minister added, ‘What a spokesperson handles in public communication cannot do without an ethical attitude, as the task of a spokesperson is not easy, but we are persons in leading positions who can change the faces of our ministries or institutions, after something wrong has been done, as we can intervene to lessen controversies through the use of words.

“Mr. Khieu Kanharith went on to say, ‘The spokespersons must tell the truth, but just some truth cannot be completely told – but there must be no lie. This is the principle that must be remembered, it is the golden principle that all spokespersons must remember.’ The Minister said that a lie by a spokespersons will initiate a loss of trust that will last forever. The task of a spokespersons is not just to communicate with journalists, but also to directly communicate with the public, and moreover with the public opinions expressed through the media, because a democratic society must have three elements: a multi-party system, an active civil society, and a strong and independent press.

“Twenty six officials from the Ministry of Rural Development, the Council of Ministers, the Ministry of Commerce, the Ministry of Tourism, the Ministry of Land Management, Urbanization, and Construction, the Ministry of Industry, Mines, and Energy, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Information, the Ministry of Economy and Finance, the Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sports, and from the provinces of Banteay Meanchey, Kompong Cham, Ratanakiri, Pailin, Siem Reap, Sihanoukville, Battambang, and Mondolkiri participate in the training with support from the US Embassy, and the training will be completed on 17 July 2009.

“The US ambassador to Cambodia, Ms. Carol A. Rodley, said through a translator, ‘The tie of the Royal Government with journalists is not always smooth. Working with journalists is a challenge. I know well that spokespersons have their roles as part of their tasks. I would like to emphasize that our spokespersons must cooperate with colleagues in the press. Working with journalists, we must be sure that the policy and the priorities of our government are clearly shown to the citizens.’ She added, ‘A spokesperson must be aware to be leading, to bring information to journalists in order to rule out rumors and untrue information, and to bring all this to the public. Working with journalists is not always easy and sometimes, we have to deliver also bad information about ourselves for which we get criticized by citizens as well as by journalists.’ She continued to say, ‘Please remember that sometimes the Cambodian public will praise the work of spokespersons which reaches them through the work of journalists, and this happens in your role of responding to the public by delivering clear information.

“Mr. Tommy R. Vandam [?] who had been a spokesperson of the US Air Force and the US Police for several years and has rich experience, is a trainer in this crucial training.”

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.8, #1995, 14.7.2009
Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Tuesday, 14 July 2009

'I never used any torture,' senior interrogator at Khmer Rouge prison tells tribunal



http://www.brandonsun.com

Tuesday, July 14th, 2009

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia - A senior interrogator at the most notorious Khmer Rouge prison denied Tuesday that he tortured victims, despite grisly earlier testimony from his former boss that torture was common there.

Mam Nai, 76, told the U.N.-backed genocide tribunal that his main duty was to interrogate low-ranking Khmer Rouge soldiers who allegedly opposed the regime, as well as Vietnamese prisoners of war.

"I never used any torture. It was my understanding that applying torture would lead to an inappropriate confession, that there would be little true in forced confessions," Mam Nai said.

His testimony comes at the trial of Kaing Guek Eav - better known as Duch - who headed the S-21 prison in Phnom Penh. Up to 16,000 people were tortured under his command and later taken away to be killed during the Khmer Rouge's 1975-1979 rule. Only a handful survived.

During hours of earlier testimony, Duch graphically described torture methods used at the prison, though he did not testify about Mam Nai's activities there. He has asked forgiveness from victims' relatives.

Duch (pronounced DOIK), 66, is the first senior Khmer Rouge figure to face trial and the only one to acknowledge responsibility for his actions. He is charged with crimes against humanity and is the first of five defendants scheduled for long-delayed trials by the tribunal.

Senior leaders Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary and Ieng Sary's wife, Ieng Thirith, are detained and are likely to face trial in the next year or two.

Mam Nai allegedly was responsible for the interrogation and torture of high-ranking members of the Communist Party of Kampuchea accused of plotting against the regime.

He said he met Duch after fleeing into the jungle to fight with the Khmer Rouge in 1973, and Duch trained him in interrogation. He said he was once assigned to question 20 Vietnamese soldiers.

"First, I had to play politics with them, to make them understand and then they agreed to make a confession. After that, I asked for their biographies and their personal activities," he said.

"If the prisoners refused to confess, I asked the guards to take them back to their cells to think and reflect on their positive and negative activities," he said.

Tales of Torture and Death Fill Court in Cambodia

Journalists took photographs of Mam Nai, the former deputy at a Khmer Rouge prison, on a live video feed during the trial of the former head of the prison, Kaing Guek Eav.

The New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com

By SETH MYDANS
Published: July 14, 2009

PHNOM PENH — “Where were you tortured and when?” For the past two weeks, judges and lawyers in the trial of a Khmer Rouge prison chief have probed for details about the suffering of victims of a regime that caused the deaths of an estimated 1.7 million people between 1975 and 1979.

As the stories of terror and brutality have filled the courtroom, even the defendant, Kaing Guek Eav, or Duch, has at times dropped his hard mask and broken down in tears.

“I send my respects to the soul of your wife,” he told one witness, Bou Meng, whose wife died in the prison and whom Duch (pronounced DOIK) had come to know when he put him to work as a painter.

Bou Meng put his face in his hands. Duch, his lips quivering, turned his back on the courtroom, and both men wept.

Duch, 66, is the first of five key figures from the Khmer Rouge regime to be tried here in a United Nations-backed tribunal. He faces charges of crimes against humanity and war crimes as commandant of Tuol Sleng prison, where at least 14,000 people were tortured and sent to their deaths.

Duch has taken responsibility for the torture and killings at the camp and expressed “heartfelt sorrow,” when he took the stand. But he has also placed himself within a chain of command where disobedience often meant death.

In vivid testimony, the court has heard a clinical description of the ripping out of toenails — and viewed the scarred toes of the victim — and has listened to the sobs of a man who said he drank his own urine to survive.

It has heard from a man who said he crawled out alive from a pit in a killing field, and from a woman who said she saw a child thrown into the air and speared on a bayonet.

Most of this testimony is uncorroborated, and some has faced vigorous challenges from the defense and skepticism from the judges. In particular, the judges have called into question the testimony of witnesses who also are designated as “civil parties” — an innovation in international tribunals that allows alleged victims to join the case and to seek reparations from any defendants who are convicted.

The testimony of these witnesses has not been vetted by prosecutors, and most have arrived poorly prepared by overburdened lawyers. Their testimony has often deviated from their sworn depositions, leaving the judges to decide which version, if any, to credit.

Duch’s trial opened at the end of March; it has heard testimony not just from the defendant himself, but also from expert witnesses. It has been slowed by procedural delays and challenged by accusations of corruption and of political manipulation by the Cambodian government. The tribunal, an experimental hybrid of local and international legal systems, has been criticized by human rights groups and some legal scholars for compromising on international standards of justice.

Duch’s most intense display of emotion to date came when a video was shown publicly for the first time of his escorted visit in February 2008 to Tuol Sleng prison, which is now a museum.

With survivors standing nearby, Duch, surrounded by his lawyers and security officers, began to read a statement of apology to the victims.

Suddenly he stopped, wiped his forearm across his eyes and let out a cry that sounded like the bark of a seal before turning away in tears.

But apart from such moments of emotion, Duch has maintained a confident, didactic tone, prefacing his answers with phrases like “based on my analysis and assumption” and “according to the surviving documents.”

The five-person panel of Cambodian and international judges has often addressed him more as a disinterested authority than as a defendant. He seemed to have the final word in the courtroom on the authenticity of prison documents and on the long, painstaking lists that he compiled of prisoners sent to die in a killing field.

In challenging the story of one witness who said he had been a prisoner at Tuol Sleng, Duch presented the curious defense that this could not be the person in question because, according to Duch’s records, he had already had him killed.

Using a similar argument, he questioned the account of a man who said he had survived the camp, where he was imprisoned as an 8-year-old child; Duch asserted confidently that he had made sure all children who entered the prison with their parents were killed.

That witness, Norng Chan Phal, now 39, whose authenticity was later confirmed by prison documents, presented a horrifying picture of loss that could resonate with millions of survivors.

He testified that he and four other children were left alone in the empty prison when Duch and his staff fled the Vietnamese invasion that ended Khmer Rouge rule in February 1979. Mr. Norng Chan Phal said he ran through empty corridors among corpses and flies, searching for his mother, who had been imprisoned with him.

“There was blood and I was scared,” he said. “I kept running and crying for my mother, searching for my mother.” Like almost everyone else who was imprisoned there, she had been killed.

Duch has claimed he had not visited the prison’s cells and torture chambers, asserting that he was a coward, and said that he did not participate in, or even know in detail about, the abuse of the prisoners.

“I shut my eyes and ears,” he said. “I did not want to see the reality that did not reconcile with my feelings. I did not allow myself to see or hear.”

This testimony, which seemed at odds with his hands-on administrative style, was challenged Monday by a witness who said she had worked for him as a medic and had lost several family members in Tuol Sleng.

The witness, Nam Man, 48, said she had seen Duch, standing under a coconut tree, beat two of her uncles to death with a metal rod.

“Are you going to deny the facts and the truth that I have just told the chamber?” she said, addressing him directly.

Duch said that he had found no records of her family in his files and that no women had worked as medics there. He denied everything.

Asked later about this response, Ms. Nam Man said, “Now I have to find the records to prove I am telling the truth.”

Newspaper of Murdered Journalist Closes

By Pin Sisovann, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 July 2009

A year after an opposition journalist was murdered in Phnom Penh, the paper he once wrote for is closing, even as the case goes unsolved.

Moneaksekar Khmer, or Khmer Conscience, ceased circulation Friday, following an apology to Prime Minister Hun Sen from its editor, Dam Sith, who faced charges of defamation and incitement by the courts.

In an interview Saturday, Dam Sith said he did not want to discuss the murder or the closing of the paper, saying only, “I am facing difficulties.”

Moneaksekar Khmer ran for 10 years, and its reporters faced extra-judicial attacks—incurring injuries, or being killed—and lawsuits in the courts, as it published stories critical of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party and often favorable of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party.

Reporters for the newspaper will now be out of work, but they worry still for their safety.

“I feel scared all the time,” said Vong Sopheak, a reporter for the paper who was injured in the March 1997 grenade attack on an opposition rally. That attack killed at least 16 people and injured more than 150, and its perpetrators have never been caught.

“But we can’t think too much about the fear, or we couldn’t work,” Vong Sopheak said in a recent interview. “So we keep the scared feeling aside. I am shocked with fear and concern for my own security. I am scared that I could meet the same fate as Khim Sambo and his son, because security for journalists is so risky.”

Journalists for the now defunct paper meet other journalists from the mainstream media and now ask for jobs, Vong Sopheak said, adding that this will silence one half of the political debate in the country.

“I am sorry that people are going to lose a large portion of information,” he said. “A democratic society needs constructive criticism. Without constructive criticism, a democratic society won’t run smoothly.”

Meanwhile, the murder of Khim Sambo, who had written for the newspaper and was killed ahead of general elections last year, remains open.

Two weeks prior to Khim Sambo’s killing, the journalist wrote an article under a pseudonym, Srey Ka, alleging that a top police official had lost money gambling at Le Macau Casino in Bavet district, Svay Rieng province.

The gambling debts had cleaned out the official, who had lost $100,000, Khim Sambo reported. The casino returned half the money, which the police official soon lost in more gaming, only to force the casino to extend him a credit line. When a casino staff member refused, the official threatened to have him arrested, according to the report.

Following the July 11, 2008, murder, Reporters Without Borders urged Prime Minister Hun Sen to create an independent commission to investigate, claiming it had credible reports that Gen. Hok Lundy, the national police chief, may have been behind the crime and that police had covered it up. (Less than five months after Khim Samboi’s murder, Hok Lundy perished in a helicopter crash over his home province, Svay Rieng. Officials said bad weather brought the helicopter down.)

Ultimately, the US offered the services of a team of FBI agents to assist in the investigation, but no one was arrested, and Khim Sambo’s family has since fled the country.

Lt. Gen. Khieu Sopheak, a spokesman for the Ministry of Interior, told VOA Khmer the authorities had worked hard to track down the murderers, but he declined to comment on the results of the investigation. He denied that police had been involved in a cover-up.

“It is not so. It is not so,” he said. “Whomever is involved, we must investigate. While the investigation is underway, I wish not to reveal [details].”

The ongoing investigation had been hindered by the family’s flight from the country, Khieu Sopheak said.

Chan Saveth, a senior investigator for the rights group Adhoc, who personally inspected the crime scene and the bodies of Khmer Sambo and his son, said he had been deeply frustrated at the lack of arrests in the case and the rise in impunity the murders seemed to underscore.

“The case reflects the impunities in our country, relating to the murder of journalists, for example,” he said in a recent interview. “Impunity in our country is on the rise day by day. It is piling up. We are worried about it because after the murder, nothing was found.”

H1N1 Flu Found in US Embassy Staffer

By Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 July 2009

Cambodia on Friday added the ninth H1N1 flu case to its growing roster of patients, claiming a US Embassy staff member had been infected with the virus.

The 35-year-old American was tested positive for the illness, sometimes called swine flu, on Thursday, following a trip to Thailand, health officials said.

Six of the nine positive cases in Cambodia have been American, though no one has died here from the disease, which has killed a reported 429 people so far worldwide.

“The patient is in a normal situation, and we will supervise him for at least seven days,” said Sok Touch, head of contagious disease control at the Ministry of Health.

The World Health Organization has recommended that all countries focus on serious cases of the disease, he said.

Cambodia is not on alert, he said, “but we must not be negligent,” adding that the disease can be fatal if a patient comes down with a coinciding illness.

Leopard Capital Weighs Investment Climate

By Ros Sothea, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
14 July 2009

[Editor’s note: Leopard Capital is the only company in Cambodia raising funds from foreign investors for multiple sectors. Since its inception in 2007, Leopard’s manager partner, Douglas Clayton, has met with more than 500 wealthy investors from around the globe, though most have proved hesitant to invest in Cambodia. Clayton recently sat with VOA Khmer for an interview in Phnom Penh.]

Q. When you first began here two years ago, you expected to raise $100 million. How far have you come in that plan?

A. Well, two years ago when we started this fund, the world economy was much stronger. So we were more optimistic, but things changed, [and] we’ve raised $27 million. We are going to invest in around 10 businesses here. We have some 80 or 90 investors in our fund. So we have managed to persuade some of them to send their money to Cambodia.

Q. What is the difference in Cambodia’s investment climate from when you first opened your office?

A. Certainly, the economy slowed down a lot. It has become more difficult to raise money for any risky investment than it was two or three years ago. Globally, investors have lost a lot of money because of the stock markets coming down and the property markets coming down. So there’s less money for people to invest, and there is more caution for the money than before. They try to hang on to what they have, and they try not to take long-term risks. They want to be very liquid with their investments.

Q. You mention risky business. What are the risks to business in Cambodia that make it hard to attract investors?

A. Most foreign investors don’t know very much about Cambodia. Most of them have never been here, and they remember the old history of Cambodia thirty years ago, but they don’t know too much about the recent history. So we have to explain what has been going on here and how the country has changed, how it is developing. The hardest part is that most people consider Cambodia as a small country far away that they have never been in, and they generally have heard negative things in the last two decades. They haven’t heard the positive things going on here.

Q. In this economic crisis, what are the most risky Cambodian businesses to invest in?

A. I don’t know if I could answer which sector is the most risky. But certainly it’s all about finding businesses that can still prosper during the time of global recession. We could invest in agriculture; there’s always demand for food. Whether the economy is strong or weak, there is still some demand for rice.

Q. In the middle of 2008, when the economic crisis was hitting, how many investors were you talking with?

A. I’ve been around the world four or five times marketing this fund, and I have probably met over 500 investors individually. These are large institutional investors that manage billions of dollars. I spoke at 10 or 12 conferences that I was invited to, to explain Cambodia with other speakers who explained other countries.

Q. Who were these investors? Where were they from? What were their views on Cambodia’s investment climate?

A. We have investors from all over the world, but the largest group and largest percentage is from Europe, European investors who are familiar with Southeast Asia, as many of them have come for holiday in this part of the world. But most of them would say something like, “I’ll have to come out to visit Cambodia on my next trip to Asia before I invest.” And then, after they don’t have to come to Cambodia, most of them don’t actually start investing. But at least they learn a little bit about Cambodia, and they know there is an opportunity to invest here.

Q. It seems that these investors are reluctant to invest in Cambodia. Can you identify reasons that have made them so hesitant to enter the Cambodian market?

A. Firstly, they’ll consider the very small economy of Cambodia. The total GDP here is around $8 billion or $9 billion. That’s about the size of one company in the West. So they think they should spend a lot of time to understand a tiny economy such as Cambodia. Secondly, they are worried about the rule of law. They read in the paper a lot of reports that the rule of law is weak in Cambodia, and they worry to invest here they might not be able to get their money back.

Q. What kind of law?

A. They are worried if there is a dispute with a fund or other local partners who they invest with, they are not sure that the court will be able to give a fair ruling. That not only happens in Cambodia, but in all emerging countries, where investors worry about contracts, resolution and disputed elements.

Q. What about corruption? A recent report by the World Bank and International Financial Corporation says corruption is still the most challenging aspect of investment in Cambodia.

A. Yes, it is a challenge in all markets, especially when we have underpaid government officials who have to find a way to support their family. So this is something that we have to manage and have to be careful of.

Q. What currently are the most favorable investment destinations?

A. Well, I think most people still focus on China and India. They like the large populations of these countries, the huge economies. These countries should be major players in the world economy.

Q. Can you sum up the positive and negative aspects of Cambodia’s investment market?

A. The bad things are what we have talked about: the rule of law, under-development, corruption and the small economy; the fact that most of the people are not very well off and can’t afford products and services; people widely dispersed around the country. The infrastructure is still not perfect. The cost of power, telephone, Internet, and transportation are all higher than other countries. Human-resources skill is another problem. Any business we do, we have to train a lot more than we would do in another place. We may have to import managers initially.

The positive side is that it is a country that has many business opportunities. In most countries, there will be rental car agencies, there is a bus pickup to town, but there are not in Cambodia. Many other Asian cities have this, but Phnom Penh doesn’t.

Secondly, we have a very young population here. The average age in Cambodia is 21, unlike many western countries, where the average age is 40, the time that you get ready for retirement. Cambodians are just ready to go to work.

Khmer Rouge interrogator says "no regrets" about deaths

The Star Online
http://thestar.com.my/

By Ek Madra
Tuesday July 14, 2009

PHNOM PENH (Reuters) - A former interrogator at the Khmer Rouge's notorious S-21 prison on Tuesday expressed no remorse for the deaths of thousands of Cambodians who he said had all committed crimes.

Appearing as a prosecution witness in the trial of Duch, Pol Pot's head jailor, Mam Nay, also known as Chan, denied any part in torture or killings of prisoners and blamed the United States and Vietnam for undermining his country.

An estimated 1.7 million people died during the Khmer Rouge's four-year "killing fields" reign of terror, which ended when Vietnamese forces invaded in 1979.

Asked by the judge if he regretted what happened at the Tuol Sleng prison, where more than 14,000 men, women and children were killed, Chan showed no remorse.

"My only regret was our country was invaded," he told the joint Cambodian-U.N. tribunal. "Frankly speaking, the Americans invaded us then Vietnam invaded us. That is my regret."

During his five hours of questioning, Nay, a former teacher, said he remembered very little about the S-21 interrogation centre, a former school and now a museum to the horrors of the Khmer Rouge regime.

He was granted immunity in exchange for his testimony but was reluctant to speak against Duch, the first of the five indicted former Khmer Rouge cadres to face trial.

"I was assigned by Duch to interrogate detainees," said Chan, who wore sunglasses and a traditional Cambodian scarf. "I did not use torture in my interrogation. I believed I would not get a true confession."

Asked about the deaths of innocent people, Nay, 76, said: "None of them was innocent -- those people committed offences, either minor or serious.

"This was the reason for their arrest. How serious or how minor, I don't know."

With no death penalty in Cambodia, Duch, whose real name is Kaing Guek Eav, faces a maximum sentence of life in prison if convicted on charges of war crimes, crimes against humanity, torture and murder.

Also indicted are Khmer Rouge second-in-command Nuon Chea, former President Khieu Samphan and ex-foreign minister Ieng Sary and his wife, all of whom have denied knowledge of the atrocities.

Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, who was known by the regime as "Brother Number One", died in 1998 near the Thai-Cambodia border.

Testimony of contested civil party and dramatic twist by defence adjourns the hearing

Kambol (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 13/07/2009: Mam Nay, alias Chan, 76 years old, former chief interrogator at S-21, came warmly-clothed as a witness in Duch’s trial
©Stéphanie Gée

Ka-set

By Stéphanie Gée
14-07-2009

Mrs. Nam Mon – civil party whom the Trial Chamber started hearing on Thursday July 9th – continued on Monday July 13th to deliver a confused testimony in which serious doubts kept transpiring as to her detention in S-21, then Prey Sar. Something the accused, Duch, did not fail to highlight. When the much-awaited Mam Nay, who was the head of the interrogation unit at Tuol Sleng prison, succeeded her at the stand, the defence put the Chamber in an awkward position by arguing, in light of the request by the office of the co-Prosecutors to introduce in case file no. 1 the concept of joint criminal enterprise, that the witness may be prosecuted and must therefore be duly informed of his rights…

A succinct medical training
Mrs. Nam Mon, who introduced herself as a former nurse at S-21 where she was then detained and several relatives of hers died, was assisted by a representative of TPO, a psychological support NGO, who stayed by her side throughout her testimony on Monday. She never seemed overwhelmed by her emotions and remained harshly severe while she testified. The photograph of a man that had upset her so much on Thursday July 9th was shown to her again, and this time, she said she was ready to identify him: it was her father. The screen then showed the pictures of her mother, an older brother, a younger brother, her dead father, with the mention of the date of November 9th 1977, her sister-in-law and an older brother, which all accompanied her civil party application. But why was her father photographed dead? The question was not asked.

What did she do in S-21? “I took care of the sick and I saw that prisoners were interrogated and hit. I did not witness it directly, but I saw the blood and wounds on the bodies of the prisoners I had to care for.” She did not see any dead prisoner. She specified she took care only of adults in the prison building where she was assigned at age 15, in 1975. No, she did not know anything about blood drawing or physical experimentations that were allegedly performed on detainees.

When judge Cartwright asked her to describe the medical training she received before taking her post, Nam Mon hardly said much: “I was taught to distribute medication and take care of the sick.” The illiterate woman explained the medication was “simple” and her team prescribed vitamins or, most often, Parecetamol. Once these stocks of medication inherited from the former regime were exhausted, they used “traditional remedies” which were delivered to them. In response to a question from the defence, she later specified that the training was given in a house located “near radio station no. 5.”

Nam Mon specified that only cadres were sent to the “special” building where she worked, and that was where her father ended up after his arrest.

A civil party that did not say everything, out of fear
Returning to the photographs of her deceased relatives, bearing captions handwritten by her lawyer and dictated by her, as the civil party confirmed, judge Lavergne noted a few confusions. On one picture, it was written that it represented her cousin, whom she earlier presented in court as her older brother. Nam Mon explained: “Actually, I didn’t say at first that it was my older brother because I felt ill-at-ease with the idea that all my brothers had been imprisoned. That’s why I said it was my cousin…” On another, under the photograph of the man she claimed to be her father, it was written that it was one of her brothers. “It is actually the photograph of my father. […] I originally identified him as my brother because I hadn’t properly realised it was my father.”

Strange justification for a change of identity
The civil party, officially known under the name of Nam Mon, used another identity under the Khmer Rouge, that of Roeun Chantha. Why? “I used that name to try and hide my parents’ origin. I therefore took the name of my godmother. […] If I had kept my father’s name or a name close to my parents’, I would have been killed,” she explained. Why would she have worried about such a possibility from 1975, when her father was not yet in suspected by the Angkar and her relatives appeared to be well-placed in the Khmer Rouge hierarchy? The question was not asked to her. Her reply sounded even stranger when, a little later, she recognised that “some combatants” did know that two of her brothers were employed as guards at the same prison where she worked. This time, the judge wondered: “How did they know that since you no longer used the same name as them?” “People knew because my uncle and father had let it be known at the beginning. Some people who had worked with my father in logistics were also in S-21. That’s how some could know I was my father’s daughter. But they tried to hide my identity as soon as ‘Brother of the East’ [another alias of Duch] arrived at S-21 and they called me ‘Chantha.’”

Nam Mon does not know all of her file
A biographical data sheet relating to someone called Yarn Yoeun was added to her civil party application. Was that person known to the civil party? Nam Mon thought of her father, but when the judge read to her what was written on it, that is the man was arrested late 1976, while she repeated that her father was imprisoned only late 1977, Nam Mon was lost and stated she did not know who it was.

Duch, “more handsome back then”
During her two years of work at the prison, Nam Mon claimed, in response to the co-Prosecutors, she met no staff members other than her colleagues of the medical team. She was authorised to work only in one of the prison buildings, the one where cadres were imprisoned, and could not circulate freely in the compound. She knew no cadre at S-21, but was aware “there was one person called ‘Brother of the East.’” Invited to identify the accused, she stated: “I believe he was indeed ‘Brother of the East’ but back then, he was more handsome than today.” She saw him almost every fortnight, but ignored at the time he was the one in charge of the prison.

An uncle killed under her eyes
She then recalled a scene, that occurred “one day at 6pm” and which she was able to observe from the third floor of the building where she worked: “I saw my uncle Hoeun be beaten and Brother of the East hit him [on the back of his neck] with a metal rod of about 50cm […] under a coconut tree, outside of the compound,” at the back of the building where she was. “Afterwards, I was blamed for not doing my work well, but actually, I believe it was because I’d seen my uncle’s execution.”

Kambol (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 13/07/2009: Nam Mon, during her testimony at Duch’s trial, with a member of NGO TPO by her side
©Stéphanie Gée


She said she met Duch outside of work, at the house of her uncle – “who was still an important person in her division and both had been friends” –, at two parties the latter had organised at his home. “If your uncle was a friend of the accused, why do you think he killed him?”, the international co-Prosecutor asked her. “I could not find out if they were very close friends…”

Taking care of the detainees so they can continue their confessions
“What instructions were you given?”, the international co-Prosecutor asked her. “Do my best to take care of the patients so they can be strong and continue their confessions. I didn’t understand why those in a very bad state could not receive any care, only those with light wounds…”

An uncle escaped, then the rest of the family was arrested
Then interrogated by her co-lawyer Silke Studzinsky, Nam Mon reported htat until her arrest, she used to go and visit her uncle Hoeun, the one who put her up in Phnom Penh and sent her to medical training. She used to meet him “frequently” until she was arrested. One night, she and the other members of her family discussed at that uncle’s house an escape plan that only uncle Sem attempted. The latter managed to fly to the United States, where he still lives.

Nam Mon, witness to another execution
Before her lawyer, she suddenly remembered also seeing the execution of her other uncle, Keth, beaten by “Brother of the East” in the same way and at the same place as his younger brother, uncle Hoeun. Judge Lavergne then inquired about the new uncle, whom the civil party had until then never mentioned. “I did not include uncle Keth in my complaint because I was afraid of giving too many names. I was also scared of being killed, as I was the last survivor in my family,” Nam Mon explained. She said that two weeks after her uncle Sem’s escape, her two other uncles were arrested, and later, her father.

“Prey Sar was not a re-education centre…”
In the re-education camp of Prey Sar, where she was transferred after three months of detention in S-21 in an individual cell, did she see “children be killed?”, Silke Studzinsky asked her. “At night, I would hear children cries and I saw one child be thrown into the air so he fell back on the pike of a bayonet.” “It was not a re-education centre, but a place where women and children were killed,” the civil party said about Prey Sar.

Nam Mon obtained the right to ask a question to the accused: “I want to know if the accused will deny the true story I just told the Chamber?”

Too many inconsistencies and inaccuracies, the accused opined
After giving another talk about his “legal and emotional” responsibilities for the executions carried out in S-21, Duch recalled that after April 17th 1975 and the evacuation of Phnom Penh, forces remained mobilised in the capital, “in particular those assigned to Vorn Vet to help him at the Ministry of Commerce and those assigned to Son Sen.” Once this historical point specified, he declared he had not found the name of Nam Mon’s father – whom she presented as a logistician at S-21 – in the staff list, nor the name of the civil party in the list of the medical staff, who he said “belonged to the former forces of division 703 and only comprised of men.” He did not stop there. “The description she gave is very remote from the situation that prevailed in S-21. […] Regarding Prey Sar, detainees were given many missions, yet the civil party said she only had to dig pits,” he said with conviction, adding he did not believe “her sufferings were the result of S-21.” As for a transfer of Nam Mon from Prey Sar to another prison (Prey Totem), S-21 simply did not have the authority for such a move, he continued. However, learning from Norng Chanphal’s case, he took care to issue a reservation: “If documents attesting that the civil party was a member of S-21 medical staff were to be found, and if such a document can be presented to the Chamber, mentioning her name […], then I will revise my position. But I am not familiar with all the names [of her deceased relatives] she gave ring and I cannot find them on the lists of S-21 detainees.” Then, concluding his demonstration, he highlighted that the civil party seemed to ignore how many times S-21 changed location, a point he already explained the Chamber.

In a very short time, Duch finished undermining a testimony which fragility had already appeared in its inconsistencies and inaccuracies.

Duch rehabilitates the story of a previous civil party
After the lunch break, the accused returned to the case of the civil party who testified just before, Mrs. Chim Meth. He had news. Unit 17, which she belonged to, was indeed under the authority of Prey Sar, he now admitted, after reading relevant documents, and he recognised the authenticity of her photograph. “What Chim Meth said about unit 17 was true. I therefore recognise she suffered and I hope to get more documents to shed light on her case.” Then, in an unrelated fashion, he declared that “the seven photographs related to Nam Mon’s complaint are not sufficiently supported by other documents for me to be able to confirm or infirm the presence of these people in S-21.”

Nam Mon does not recognise Duch’s photograph
Judge Cartwright jumped in: “Do you recognise one [of the people whose photographs were shown this morning] as staff members or detainees in S-21?” “None of them,” the accused replied positively. “[…] I do not recognise any of those people as having been S-21 staff members.” However, he did not say if he had known them as detainees or outside the context of S-21.

Then, a group photograph was shown to the civil party. Nam Mon said she did not recognise any of the faces. Judge Cartwright then turned to Duch, who listed the names of the people featured on the old black and white picture, essentially S-21 staff members… including himself.

Nam Mon: in Tuol Sleng since 1975
Kar Savuth, Cambodian co-lawyer for the accused, highlighted some inconsistencies in Nam Mon’s testimony. From the first question, Silke Studzinsky intervened: “I ask Your Honour to request that my colleague Kar Savuth talk to the civil party in a less aggressive manner.” The president agreed and recalled for the defence that this was an emotional topic. The lawyer apologised, it was his “habit to talk in this way” but he had never intended to threaten Nam Mon. He corrected himself. How was she able to work since mid-1975 at S-21, when S-21 had not yet been established on the premises of Tuol Sleng? “We treated the people who were there, those who prepared the place before S-21 was set up there,” Nam Mon answered. “And when cadres and their families were arrested, the place became a place of detention and that’s how Tuol Sleng prison was established. But I was there from the start. I began by providing care to the soldiers, then to the prisoners.”

Tuol Sleng or S-21?
“Under Pol Pot’s regime, were people authorised to organise parties?” “At the time when my parents and my uncle were still alive, yes, it was still possible to organise a party. Afterwards, it wasn’t.” Did she know Nath, who directed S-21 until Duch took charge in 1976, François Roux, the international co-lawyer for the accused, asked her. “No, I do not know this name.” In any case, when she arrived in Tuol Sleng in 1975, the person in charge of the premises was someone named Yem, “a subordinate of my uncle” (Hoeun), and “the place became a prison only when ‘Brother of the East’ arrived,” she stated, adding that Tuol Sleng “never changed location.” Duch was not asked whether Tuol Sleng was already “inhabited” when he decided to establish S-21 there permanently in 1976.

If Nam Mon did not indicate in her civil party complaint of July 9th 2008 that she had seen her uncle’s execution, it was “out of fear to be killed,” she repeated. She had not mentioned it even to the judges, but only when she was interrogated by the co-Prosecutors. “It is true. Because at first, I didn’t want to talk about them.” In her complaint, she did not mention either she had witnessed the killing of children in Prey Sar. The civil party recognised she had reported only today the scene of a children being thrown into the air and falling back on the pike of a bayonet, only when she was interrogated by her lawyer. Without any other explanation. The president thanked her for her testimony. Next.

Mam Nay, Duch’s former subordinate, informed of his rights
Mam Nay, alias Chan, 76 years old, took his seat. He was warmly-clothed: a krama wrapped around his neck, two shirts one over the other, and mittens on his hands. From the outset, the president announced to the former head of the interrogation unit in S-21 that as a witness, he had the right to remain silent and not answer “a question that may incriminate him.”

Joint criminal enterprise: the defence scores
François Roux then shared a concern of the defence: “As you know, the co-Prosecutors have filed a request for the application of the concept of joint criminal enterprise. In paragraph 9 of this request, […] it is indicated that the co-Prosecutors consider that Duch was an integral part of a joint criminal enterprise that included his subordinates at S-21. This clearly means that, should the Chamber grant this request, the witness present here, who was a subordinate of Duch, may be prosecuted by the co-Prosecutor, whether he remains silent or not. It seems to me it is our duty to inform the witness at this stage of what may happen to him. It seems to me it is our duty to allow the witness to discuss immediately with his own lawyer, who will explain him what joint criminal enterprise is and that, if the Chamber should grant the co-Prosecutors’ request, he may be prosecuted, either before this tribunal or before a domestic court. So, before going further, Your Honour, I would like you to inform the witness of his rights and to authorise him to meet his lawyer immediately, unless… Unless the office of the co-Prosecutors immediately renounces their request regarding joint criminal enterprise.” The arguments prompted stir in the audience.

William Smith responded: “The co-Prosecutors have already told the co-Investigating Judges they would not seek to prosecute the present witness before the ECCC [Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia] […], before the co-Investigating Judges have met and interrogated the witness. The co-Prosecutors’ position has not evolved since and whatever the result of the co-Prosecutors’ request regarding joint criminal enterprise, as you know, this will have no consequence in this case.”

François Roux had not said his last word. “When the co-Prosecutors said that to the co-Investigating Judges, they had not yet filed the request I have mentioned and which is extremely clear, as it refers to all the subordinates in S-21. […] Secondly, you are saying today that you will not prosecute the witness before the ECCC. Can you affirm before this audience that the witness will not be prosecuted before the national courts? Can you guarantee that to him? If you cannot, I ask that he be allowed to consult his lawyer immediately.”

The international co-Prosecutor had no objection to the witness consulting a lawyer and “reiterated that charges before the ECCC do not depend on a decision you will render on joint criminal enterprise, Your Honour.”

Mam Nay wants a lawyer
Interrogated, Mam Nay claimed he did not have a lawyer. “Do you think you need a lawyer to assist you before you testify?”, the president asked him. Unsurprisingly, the witness answered positively, saying he did “not have the means” to hire one.

The Chamber had contacted the Legal Aid Scheme, but “unsuccessfully until now,” the president noted, before deciding to adjourn Mam Nay’s testimony. And, “since no other witness was scheduled to appear,” the hearing was adjourned…

That was a swift move operated by the defence, as the co-Prosecutors’ request was filed when case file no.1 was already referred to the Trial Chamber and it had already delayed the opening of Duch’s trial by five months. The disarray of the Chamber and the office of the co-Prosecutors revealed they had not thought of such a scenario, while the concept of joint criminal enterprise continues to complicate the case. On a procedural level, the defence’s remark was pertinent and implacable. However, it meant that there will be nothing to expect from witnesses like Mam Nay, if they are duly assisted by lawyers and aware of their right to remain silent. Some information may remain buried forever, though it is unclear if such individuals were ready to make revelations to the Chamber when they have always refused to talk to this day…

Treating 4,000 diabetic patients in Cambodia, a high-prevalence but resource- limited setting: a 5-year study


2009-07-14

Despite the worldwide increasing burden of diabetes, there has been no corresponding scale-up of treatment in developing countries and limited evidence of program effectiveness. In 2002, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health of Cambodia, Medecins Sans Frontieres initiated an outpatient program of subsidized diabetic care in two hospital-based chronic disease clinics in rural settings.

We aimed to describe the outcomes of newly and previously diagnosed diabetic patients enrolled from 2002 to 2008.

Methods: We calculated the mean and proportion of patients who met the recommended treatment targets, and the drop from baseline values for random blood glucose (RBG), hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c), blood pressure (BP), and body mass index (BMI) at regular intervals. Analysis was restricted to patients notlost to follow-up.

We used the t test to compare baseline and subsequent paired values.

Results: Of 4404 patients enrolled, 2,872 (65%) were still in care at the time of the study, 24 (0.5%) had died, and 1,508 (34%) were lost to follow-up. Median age was 53 years, 2,905 (66%) were female and 4,350 (99%) had type 2 diabetes.

Median (interquartile range (IQR)) follow-up was 20 months (5 to 39.5 months). A total of 24% (51/210) of patients had a HbA1c concentration of <7%>60 years, living outside the province, normal BMI on admission, high RBG on last visit, and coming late for the last consultation.

Conclusions: Significant and clinically important improvements in glycemia and BP were observed, but a relatively low proportion of diabetic patients reached treatment targets. These results and the high loss to follow-up rate highlight the challenges of delivering diabetic care in rural, resource-limited settings.

Author: Marie-Eve RaguenaudPetros IsaakidisTony ReidSay ChyLim KeukyGemma ArellanoWim Van Damme
Credits/Source: BMC Medicine 2009,

Former K.Rouge prison deputy denies torture

AFP Photo: A photographer take a picture of witness Mam Nai, the former deputy of Khmer Rouge...

Tue Jul 14

PHNOM PENH (AFP) - The former deputy head of the main Khmer Rouge prison on Tuesday denied he had tortured prisoners as he sought to play down his position in Cambodia's late 1970s hardline regime.

Mam Nai, 76, told the UN-backed war crimes trial of former jail chief Duch that his role had been only to question inmates at the notorious Tuol Sleng prison.

"I was just a plain and simple interrogating cadre," Mam Nai said, addressing the court as a witness, not a defendant.

"I only interrogated prisoners without applying torture. It is my understanding that applying torture brings untrue confessions."

His former boss Duch is accused of overseeing the torture and execution of around 15,000 people who passed through Tuol Sleng.

Although documents from the regime say Mam Nai was Duch's deputy and tortured prisoners into confessing espionage, he said he only interrogated "not important" inmates and used psychological tricks rather than abuse.

"When I asked the person about their biography and activities, it was not difficult at all (to get a confession)," Mam Nai said.

"If a prisoner refused to respond... I instructed guards to take prisoners back to their cell to think for a while, to reflect on their positive and negative activities," he added.

Mam Nai, whose Khmer Rouge nom de guerre was Chan, went on to tell the court that he was "unclear" on the organising structure of the notorious detention centre and knew nothing of mass killings there.

The witness, appearing in court wearing purple fingerless gloves and a traditional chequered Khmer scarf, batted away judges' questions throughout the day.

He said he had not known all prisoners at Tuol Sleng were presumed guilty and destined to be killed, and that he could not recall drafting prison documents shown to the court, which appeared to be signed by him.

When French judge Marc Laverne asked whether he suffered from memory problems, Mam Nai replied that he has trouble recalling the names of his children after a recent accident at his home.

"I fell onto the ground and fell unconscious for a while. Since then, I seem to forget a lot," Mam Nai said.

The 66-year-old Duch, whose real name is Kaing Guek Eav, has accepted responsibility for his role governing the jail and begged forgiveness near the start of his trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

But he has consistently rejected claims by prosecutors that he held a central leadership role in the Khmer Rouge, and maintains he never personally killed anyone.

Led by Pol Pot, who died in 1998, the Khmer Rouge emptied Cambodia's cities in a bid to forge a communist utopia. Up to two million people died of starvation, overwork, torture and execution during the 1975-79 regime.

Four other former Khmer Rouge leaders are currently in detention and are expected to face trial next year at the court, which was formed in 2006 after nearly a decade of wrangling between the UN and the Cambodian government.

The tribunal is marred by a dispute between prosecutors over whether to pursue more suspects. It also faces accusations of government interference and claims that local staff were forced to pay kickbacks for their jobs.

Mam Nai's testimony continues Wednesday.

Suchua-Cambodia's precious gem

http://www.mysinchew.com

2009-07-14

WHEN CAMBODIAN Prime Minister Hun Sen publicly insulted an unspecified female politician recently, he got more than he bargained for: His implied target turned around and sued him.

The prime minister’s insult might be considered typical in a country with continuing gender inequality, but that didn’t mean Mu Sochua was going to take it lying down.

For 20 years, Mu Sochua has been a voice for exploited Cambodians. As the Viet Nam War spread to Cambodia in 1972, the then 18-year-old was exiled, with no chance to say goodbye to her parents, who later vanished under the Khmer Rouge regime. She spent 18 years overseas, studying and working in Paris, the US and Italy and in refugee camps along the Thai–Cambodian border.

Since her return in 1989, she has been hands-on in rebuilding her homeland, first as an activist and now as a politician, focusing on women’s and children’s issues.

“I had the choice of being part of the reconstruction of Cambodia and I took that choice,” said Sochua, a member of parliament for the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), the leading opposition to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

In 1991, Sochua formed the first Khmer women’s organisation, Khemara, and joined the Funcinpec political party, winning a national assembly seat representing Battambang in 1998. She soon became the first female minister for women’s and veterans’ affairs.

“What prepared me for the job was my early return, before the country was even officially open to the Western world, which put an embargo on it during 1975 to 1990.”

Her first ministerial act was to launch a national campaign for gender equality, Neary Rattanak (Women Are Precious Gems), which transformed an old Khmer proverb, “A man is gold; a woman is a white piece of cloth” into “Men are gold; women are precious gems.”
The rewritten proverb argues that women are as valuable as men; if “dirtied”, they can shine again like gems, rather than be stained forever like a muddied cloth.

However, in July 2004, she resigned, claiming corruption hindered her work. She joined the SRP, becoming the party’s first female secretary-general in 2006.

Her struggle has been recognised by several nominations and awards, including a 2005 Nobel Peace Prize nomination and the 2005 Vital Voices Human Rights Global Leadership Award, presented by then US senator Hillary Clinton.

Sochua, who is fluent in English, French and Khmer, and holds degrees in psychology and social work from US universities, believes the key to positive change lies in giving people the right to participate in national development without discrimination.

“(Development) must be based on the preservation of the country’s resources, which are plentiful but so badly managed because of corruption and lack of rule of law.”

Sochua’s three daughters have all followed in her humanitarian footsteps. Although she says Asian people look at her with “sorry eyes” when they hear she has no sons, she is fiercely proud of her girls, saying they inspire her to fight even harder for equal access to education and healthcare and for gender equality.

“(Each time) I go to the police station and work with survivors of gender-based violence, I imagine myself a victim and that my daughters are caught in this cycle of violence.”

Her struggle led to her decision to sue Hun Sen for defamation, after he allegedly called her “cheung klang” (strong leg), an offensive term for women, during a speech in her Kampot constituency. He immediately responded with a countersuit, a threat to remove her parliamentary immunity and a request that the Cambodian Bar Association investigate her lawyer, Kong Sam Onn.

Without immunity, Sochua faces imprisonment and her lawyer faces disbarment. However, she is determined to proceed with the case.
This determination shows she cannot be stained by any dirty words, no matter who throws them.

(By Sara Veal in Phnom Penh-The Jakarta Post/ANN)

MySinchew 2009.07.14

Overseas Property News - Cambodia

14.07.2009

Phnom Penh has a grace and beauty not found in other Asian capitals. This vibrant Cambodian city has a rich and varied French Colonial heritage including villas, churches and boulevards.

(live-PR.com) - Phnom Penh has a grace and beauty not found in other Asian capitals. This vibrant Cambodian city has a rich and varied French Colonial heritage including villas, churches and boulevards.

Between the granting of independence and the dark days of the Khmer Rouge, a new golden era of architecture emerged, driven by French-educated Khmer architects. This was characterised by a fusion of Bauhaus, European post-modern architecture, and traditional elements from Angkor.

Fortunately enlightened developers are preserving and refurbishing these timeless buildings to offer a mix of heritage, modernity and sumptuous amenity.


DSR Asset Management Ltd have a new release of 1 - 2 bedroom apartments for sale in French Colonial Phnom Penh competitively priced from £29,000 - £90,000. The refurbishment has been carried out to very high standard.

David Redfern of DSR said “After a little over a year of developing these units in Phnom Penh, we are very relaxed that at each interval demand has easily outstripped supply - both in terms of the sales and rentals.”

Phnom Penh is serviced by a modern international airport, and the city is experiencing massive growth as it is being discovered by a wider global audience.

The apartments can be fully-managed to produce hassle-free income from letting and there is a queue of customers for flats like these.

”All of the units developed so far are tenanted, and the developer and management company have a waiting list of expats ready to rent those that will be completed and hitting the rental market this quarter.

This is a great position to be in and demonstrates that the market is very hungry for high quality, stylish, well located accommodation like French Colonial,” said David

In the sought after riverside French Quarter demand for property of this type far exceeds supply and capital growth is running at an astonishing 17-20% per annum.

Chinese mobiles finding favor in Cambodian market

www.chinaview.cn
2009-07-14

PHNOM PENH, July 14 (Xinhua) -- Distributors here have said that the number of Chinese-sourced mobile phones being sold in Cambodia each month is climbing rapidly, local newspaper the PhnomPenh Post reported on Tuesday.

Not only are they cheaper than leading brands, but some have features including the ability to use two SIM cards, built-in radio and TV receivers and MP3 and MP4 players, it said.

The Ky Hout company said that it imports between 6,000 and 8,000 phones monthly for distribution in Phnom Penh, Siem Reap and Battambang. The sales manager, who asked not to be named, said customers liked the fact that the phones were substantially cheaper than the competition.

She said sales were up ten-fold since the start of the year. "Previously we imported only 300 t0 600 of these phones each month that sell for between 35 U.S. dollars and 100 U.S. dollars each," she said, adding, "Our sales of Nokia phones have dropped by 80 percent."

Srey Touch, the owner of another importer, the 03 Company, agreed that sales of Chinese-made phones were up sharply. "We import new model phones two or three times a month, with up to 500phones each time," he said, adding, "The phones sell especially well during the big national holidays such as Khmer New Year, Pchum Ben and the Water Festival."

But representatives of Nokia and Sony Ericsson said their market share was not being hit by the cheaper competition. "Sales are stable," said Yoeun Makara, a retail sales manager who imports Nokia phones. "Moreover, 80 percent of our customers choose to buy Nokia because it is strong and robust, and they like the new touch screen models."

Chea Mony, the head of marketing at Sony Ericsson in Cambodia, is also bullish. He said sales were up at least 10 percent this year. "The influx of Chinese cell-phones creates opportunities for many users, but it is not an obstacle for Sony Ericsson because competition goes beyond price, and Sony Ericsson offers many different prices including low, medium and high," he said.

So Khun, minister of posts and telecommunications, said in May that 4.23 million of the country's 13.4 million citizens have mobile phones, and that the nation has just 42,000 landlines.

Nine mobile phones companies operate in Cambodia: Beeline, Excell, Hello, MFone, Metfone, Mobitel, qb, Smart and Star-Cell.

Editor: Li

Tuesday, 14 July 2009

(TIME) The Rise and Fall of the Khmer Rouge

AFP
Royal Seal of Approval
In 1965, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's head of state, asserted the nation's opposition to the U.S.-backed government in South Vietnam by allowing North Vietnamese guerrillas to set up bases within Cambodia's borders. The North Vietnamese had an alliance with a Cambodian Marxist insurgency group, the Khmer Rouge, whose top brass Sihanouk is pictured here with in 1973.

Bettmann / Corbis
Losing Control
A Cambodian soldier holds a .45 to the head of a Khmer Rouge suspect in 1973. When Sihanouk was forced out of power in a coup, the new Prime Minister, General Lon Nol, sent the army to fight the North Vietnamese and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. Fighting two enemies proved to be too much for Cambodia's army. As Civil War raged from 1970 to 1975, the army gradually lost territory as Khmer Rouge increased its control in the countryside.

Christine Spengler / Sygma / Corbis
Coming Apocalypse
Survivors sift through rubble after the Khmer Rouge bombed Phnom Penh, the capital city, on January 1, 1975. Four months later, the party took the city, on April 17, 1975, and began their mission of returning Cambodia to an agrarian society, emptying the cities and forcing their countrymen into agricultural labor.


Claude Juvenal / AFP / Getty Images
Day One, Year Zero
Khmer Rouge fighters celebrate as they enter Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Prince Sihanouk, the party's early ally, resigned in 1976, paving the way for the now notorious Khmer Rouge founder and leader, Pol Pot, to become prime minister. The country was renamed Kampuchea, and it was the start Year Zero — the beginning of a new history for Cambodia written by Pol Pot.


Roland Neveu / OnAsia
Left Behind
Days before the occupation of the capital, thousands of Cambodians gather behind a school perimeter fence near the American embassy to watch the final evacuation of U.S. and foreign nationals.

GAMMA / Eyedea Presse
Death Sentence
A prisoner gets her mug shot taken. At prisons like Phnom Penh's infamous Tuol Sleng, prisoners were painstakingly documented before being sent to their deaths in mass graves later to be come known as the "killing fields." Hundreds of thousands of intellectuals were tortured and executed under the Khmer Rouge; others starved or died from disease or exhaustion. In total, an estimated 1.7 million Cambodians died between 1975 and 1979.


AFP / Getty Images
Pol Pot's Utopia
An undated photograph shows forced laborers digging canals in Kampong Cham province, part of the massive agrarian infrastructure the Khmer Rouge planned for the country.

Bettmann / Corbis
A New Occupier
Fed up with cross-border raids by Khmer Rouge, Vietnam invaded Cambodia on Dec. 25, 1978. By Jan. 7, shown here, Vietnamese troops had occupied Phnom Penh. The Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia lasted for 10 years.


Kyodo News / AP
Fearless Leader
The Vietnamese overthrew Pol Pot, too, driving the leader to the Thai border where he continued to head the Khmer Rouge in the jungles.


John Bryson / Time Life Pictures / Getty Images
Purging the Western Curse
The Khmer Rouge sought to rid Cambodia of all Western influences that distracted its people from their agrarian calling. Cars, abandoned and forbidden, were stacked up alongside the road.


David A. Harvey / National Geographic / Getty Images
A Bloody Landscape
An exhumed mass grave, pictured in 1981, in the Cambodian countryside reveals the skeletons of those executed and buried together under Pol Pot's regime.


Alex Bowie / Getty Images
The Resistance
Khmer Rouge guerrillas in the jungle of western Cambodia as they attempt to halt advancing Vietnamese forces on Feb. 15, 1981.


Alain Nogues / Corbis Sygma
Running for Cover
Cambodian refugees, pictured in January 1985, at a refugee camp, near the Thai-Cambodian Border. Some 60,000 people fled to the south as fighting increased between Khmer-Vietnamese troops and the FNLPK (Khmer People's National Liberation Front), one of the three groups making up the anti-communist resistance.

Jacques Langevin / Corbis Sygma
Out from Under the Iron Curtain
Without backing from the Soviet Union, Vietnam could no longer afford to keep its troops in a state of indefinite occupation in Cambodia. In September 1989, Vietnamese troops withdrew from Phnom Penh.


Michael Freeman / Corbis
A Tearful Reunion
A family greets each other in August 1989 after being separated during years of war and occupation.


Jacques Langevin / Corbis Sygma
Return the Old Guard
The 1991 Paris Peace Accord that followed Vietnam's withdrawal mandated democratic elections and a ceasefire, but was not fully respected by Khmer Rouge guerrillas. U.N. transitional authority shared power with representatives of various factions, and Prince Sihanouk, shown here at center making his way back the Royal Palace in November 1991, was reinstated as Head of State.


Romeo Cacad / AFP / Getty Images
Forgiven
U.N.-run elections in May 1993 resulted in a shaky coalition between Sihanouk's son, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, and Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge guerrilla pictured here at a political rally before the elections. The country was once again named the Kingdom of Cambodia. Hun Sen remains Prime Minister today.


Jason Bleibtreu / Corbis Sygma
The Banality of Evil
Pol Pot continued to lead the Khmer Rouge party from rural Cambodia until July 1997 when he was arrested. In a show trial, Pol Pot, known as Brother No. 1, was denounced by his own followers and sentenced to house arrest in his jungle home. The press gathered there when he died less than a year later at age 73 on April 15, 1998, never having faced charges.

Ou Neakiry / AP
A New Chapter
Finally agreeing to abandon their fight, the remaining Khmer Rouge soldiers fighters surrendered on Feb. 9, 1999, and donned new uniforms of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces during an integration ceremony in Anlong Veng near the Thai-Cambodian border.


David Hogsholt / Getty Images
Documenting the Aftermath
Contact sheets showing pictures of what is believed to be former prisoners of the S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, where over 15,000 people lost their lives. Kaing Guek Eav, better known as Duch, was detained for his role as chief of the torture center in 1999.


John Vink / Magnum Photos
The World Watches, and Waits, for Justice
A long delayed U.N.-backed tribunal to bring the leaders of the genocide to justice began in 2009. On Feb. 17, Duch's trial began. He is the first of five defendants scheduled for trial.