Notorious for its “Killing Fields” and the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia is now attempting to reform itself as an emerging democracy in Asia. Last year, it was approved for membership into the World Trade Organization, and recently a new government took control of the still troubled nation. HIV/AIDS, human trafficking, and drugs are the main obstacles to stability in Cambodia, but the country is trying to overcome these problems with the help of foreign investment and NGOs. Unfortunately, partisan politics have replaced war as the main theater of conflict, with the King and the Prime Minister at odds, and development slow and inconsistent as a result. As it prepares to enter the WTO, Cambodia is working to erase its historical image as a war torn, impoverished country and re-emerge on the world stage as a new democracy, attractive to investors, tourists, and the world community. Unfortunately, the ages-old problems of legislative deadlock and party bickering are preventing real progress from being made.In 1975, when the Khmer Rouge took control, uneducated citizens were forced into work camps; their “educated” counterparts were executed. In the camps, workers labored for 12-15 hours per day in horrible conditions.” For those who survived, starvation, poverty, and the constant possibility of execution were all aspects of daily life. The infamous “Killing Fields” were the sites of execution, and to this day, tourists who visit the sites occasionally come across a skull or teeth of one of Pol Pot’s victims. The nightmare came to an end in 1979 when the regime was overthrown by revolutionaries with the help of the Vietnamese, according to Clive S. Mencken in the article “Waking Cambodia.”In recent years, Cambodia has sought to re-invent itself with a series of reforms aimed at stabilizing its economy, ending corruption, and privatizing state-owned businesses. In 1994, the country applied for entry into the WTO, an ambitious move for a state only 15 years removed from the massacre of nearly 2.5 million of its people. A Working Party to oversee its application process was established in December 1994, but it was not until 2003, after 9 years of persistence, negotiations on membership were completed. According to the Working Party Report, Cambodia “promised” to work toward “maintaining a convertible currency with an exchange rate based on the market,” create commercial courts, ensure transparency in its ongoing second wave of privatizing state owned industries, and “comply with WTO provisions” concerning tariffs. Final completion of the working party negotiations took place in July of 2003, but Cambodia still has not officially entered the WTO due to political deadlock. Even though it has come a long way in attaining its economic goals, politics has become the main detriment to development.Shortly after the WTO approved it for entry, Cambodia held elections. Deemed inconclusive, the country was left without a working government. It was not until July 15, 2004 that parliament approved a new coalition government with a “rectangular strategy” for development. According to Dow Jones Newswires, the plan focuses on “radically” reforming the legal, administrative, agriculture, and military systems while also elevating Cambodia’s status in the international community. These are all noble objectives, but the plan ignores the bureaucracy and inefficiencies that the new government has helped to create. In order to get the government started again, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) was forced to align with its rival, the Funcinpec Party, and concessions had to be made. Dozens of new senior positions were created to please members of both sides, and the constitution was amended to allow the CPP leader, Hun Sen, to be sworn in as Prime Minister at the same time as Funcinpec leader Prince Norodom Ranariddh is sworn in as president of the lower house of parliament. According to the constitution, Prince Norodom should have been sworn in first, then appointed Hun Sen. In addition to the bad blood between parties, King Norodom Sihanouk, currently in North Korea under self-imposed exile, refused to ratify the amendment, threatening to abdicate. Acting head of state Chea Sim refused to approve the amendment as well, and was “whisked out of the country under armed guard until his deputy acquiesced,” according to Dow Jones Newswires.Now, with the Prime Minister is in a weakened position, the constitution has been abused, and the King is unable to negotiate with the Prime Minister, the legislature is about to approve entry into the WTO. In doing so, Cambodia will become one of the first Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to join the organization. In 2003, the Economist predicted “Cambodia’s entry into the WTO is unlikely to make much impact on its economy at all” because of the corruption and deadlock that plague the government. Ultimately, the Economist concluded, “Cambodia’s accession is not more significant than its membership of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency or its hosting of the ASEAN-India summit.” This may seem pessimistic, but given the past year’s tribulations, it is not a surprising viewpoint. Until Cambodia’s politicians can clean up their system, the economic aspirations of the country will remain as hopes rather than reality.
Thursday, 5 June 2008
Cambodia’s New Era
Notorious for its “Killing Fields” and the Khmer Rouge, Cambodia is now attempting to reform itself as an emerging democracy in Asia. Last year, it was approved for membership into the World Trade Organization, and recently a new government took control of the still troubled nation. HIV/AIDS, human trafficking, and drugs are the main obstacles to stability in Cambodia, but the country is trying to overcome these problems with the help of foreign investment and NGOs. Unfortunately, partisan politics have replaced war as the main theater of conflict, with the King and the Prime Minister at odds, and development slow and inconsistent as a result. As it prepares to enter the WTO, Cambodia is working to erase its historical image as a war torn, impoverished country and re-emerge on the world stage as a new democracy, attractive to investors, tourists, and the world community. Unfortunately, the ages-old problems of legislative deadlock and party bickering are preventing real progress from being made.In 1975, when the Khmer Rouge took control, uneducated citizens were forced into work camps; their “educated” counterparts were executed. In the camps, workers labored for 12-15 hours per day in horrible conditions.” For those who survived, starvation, poverty, and the constant possibility of execution were all aspects of daily life. The infamous “Killing Fields” were the sites of execution, and to this day, tourists who visit the sites occasionally come across a skull or teeth of one of Pol Pot’s victims. The nightmare came to an end in 1979 when the regime was overthrown by revolutionaries with the help of the Vietnamese, according to Clive S. Mencken in the article “Waking Cambodia.”In recent years, Cambodia has sought to re-invent itself with a series of reforms aimed at stabilizing its economy, ending corruption, and privatizing state-owned businesses. In 1994, the country applied for entry into the WTO, an ambitious move for a state only 15 years removed from the massacre of nearly 2.5 million of its people. A Working Party to oversee its application process was established in December 1994, but it was not until 2003, after 9 years of persistence, negotiations on membership were completed. According to the Working Party Report, Cambodia “promised” to work toward “maintaining a convertible currency with an exchange rate based on the market,” create commercial courts, ensure transparency in its ongoing second wave of privatizing state owned industries, and “comply with WTO provisions” concerning tariffs. Final completion of the working party negotiations took place in July of 2003, but Cambodia still has not officially entered the WTO due to political deadlock. Even though it has come a long way in attaining its economic goals, politics has become the main detriment to development.Shortly after the WTO approved it for entry, Cambodia held elections. Deemed inconclusive, the country was left without a working government. It was not until July 15, 2004 that parliament approved a new coalition government with a “rectangular strategy” for development. According to Dow Jones Newswires, the plan focuses on “radically” reforming the legal, administrative, agriculture, and military systems while also elevating Cambodia’s status in the international community. These are all noble objectives, but the plan ignores the bureaucracy and inefficiencies that the new government has helped to create. In order to get the government started again, the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) was forced to align with its rival, the Funcinpec Party, and concessions had to be made. Dozens of new senior positions were created to please members of both sides, and the constitution was amended to allow the CPP leader, Hun Sen, to be sworn in as Prime Minister at the same time as Funcinpec leader Prince Norodom Ranariddh is sworn in as president of the lower house of parliament. According to the constitution, Prince Norodom should have been sworn in first, then appointed Hun Sen. In addition to the bad blood between parties, King Norodom Sihanouk, currently in North Korea under self-imposed exile, refused to ratify the amendment, threatening to abdicate. Acting head of state Chea Sim refused to approve the amendment as well, and was “whisked out of the country under armed guard until his deputy acquiesced,” according to Dow Jones Newswires.Now, with the Prime Minister is in a weakened position, the constitution has been abused, and the King is unable to negotiate with the Prime Minister, the legislature is about to approve entry into the WTO. In doing so, Cambodia will become one of the first Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to join the organization. In 2003, the Economist predicted “Cambodia’s entry into the WTO is unlikely to make much impact on its economy at all” because of the corruption and deadlock that plague the government. Ultimately, the Economist concluded, “Cambodia’s accession is not more significant than its membership of the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency or its hosting of the ASEAN-India summit.” This may seem pessimistic, but given the past year’s tribulations, it is not a surprising viewpoint. Until Cambodia’s politicians can clean up their system, the economic aspirations of the country will remain as hopes rather than reality.
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