By Kavi Chongkitthavorn
The Nation
Published on October 27, 2008
THE FIRST CASUALTY in the Thai-Cambodian conflict is truth. Until today, both countries have continued to insist that the first shot was fired by the other side on October 15 at 2.30pm. In addition, the Cambodian side said its troops captured two Thai soldiers while the Thai army denied the news reports and dismissed the photos showing two Thai prisoners in casual pose released by a major wire service obtained from the Cambodian side as old photos. Several days later, neither side has bothered to substantiate their claims.
Apparently, the two governments were more preoccupied on another front - the information war - how the brief skirmish was reported and perceived by international media and community. Judging from available reports and information, it was obvious Thailand lost the information war to Cambodia. Phnom Penh showed better coordination among various agencies in the capital and along the Thai-Cambodian border in disseminating information from its side.
The Cambodian government, especially Prime Minister Hun Sen and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, shepherded the news headlines with great skill. A few minutes after a meeting and exchanging pleasantries with visiting Thai Foreign Minister Sompong Amornwiwat in Phnom Penh on October 13, Prime Minister Hun Sen issued an ultimatum for Thailand to remove the Thai troops from the 4.6-square-kilometre overlapping area. He also threatened to take the case to the UN Security Council. Hun Sen's action took the Thai delegation completely by surprise given the nice and cosy atmosphere during the courtesy call.
Since the Thai-Cambodian tension started to simmer in June due to disputes over the World Heritage Site listing of Preah Vihear Temple, which led to sporadic armed clashes, the two countries have met several times. The last two meetings were at the ministerial level between Hor Namhong and former foreign minister Tej Bunnag in August, and the latest round with Sompong recently. They pledged to exercise "utmost restraints" to ensure cessation of fighting along the border. Two Cambodian soldiers were killed in the latest incident and a week before two Thai soldiers were injured by landmines, which the Thai side claimed was newly planted in violation of the 1997 Geneva Convention on Anti-landmines Treaty.
The Cambodian media, coupled with the Phnom Penh-based foreign correspondents, were given wider access to information both in the capital and at the border. Within five hours of the skirmish on October 15, the Cambodian government had already called a press conference as well as provided a briefing to the diplomatic community. The Thai ambassador was also summoned on the same day to the Foreign Ministry.
When shooting started at Huay Tha Mari in Phu Ma Khua, Thai soldiers at the border blocked Thai journalists from entering the conflict areas giving all kinds of excuses. As such, from the Thai side, information and report gathering on-site were limited. Dispatches from Phnom Penh contained more information about the brief clash, including the details of capture of Thai troops.
In more ways than one, the Cambodian media and Phnom Penh-based wire services have portrayed Thailand as a big neighbour, which was trying to divert the domestic attention away from its ongoing political chaos at home. They reflected the Cambodian government's views, widely using quotes from Hun Sen and Hor Namhong. Even Chris Mullins, a British member of Parliament, came out and said that what happened along the border was a result of the actions of the Thai military that turned Thailand's internal problems into a dispute with Cambodia.
Interestingly, the Cambodian media did not touch on the ever-changing positions of Hun Sen regarding proposed negotiations between the two countries. In July, Pnom Penh wanted to Asean to vet the Thai-Cambodian conflict at the Singapore meeting but Thailand opposed the idea saying that they should solve it using bilateral mechanism. Then Hun Sen proposed that the matter should go to the United Nations. Later on, he backtracked. Not long after that, he suggested a mediator should be introduced to help ease the tension. That too was later trumped by another idea of a third party. So far, his views have not got broad support. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has made it clear that the issue should be settled bilaterally.
Somehow, Thailand could not match the sophistication of Cambodia's information machinery. Now that the border tension has calmed down, concerned Thai authorities have the opportunity to look back and assess their responses. They have to come to grips with their huge weakness and information loopholes.
First of all, the Thai army still lacks the kind of coordination that could produce rapid response to news reports and disseminating their responses speedily and efficiently. Soldiers in the field are still hostile towards the media's enquiries, creating the impression that they did not trust them and therefore, have something to hide. Phnom Penh-based journalists had access to information at the border's disputed areas, much to the chagrin of Thai journalists.
This weakness has led to the second problem. The information the Foreign Ministry and media obtained from the Thai border was piecemeal and not comprehensive and sometimes inaccurate. For instance, on October 15, the Thai media knew through military sources that fighting had erupted at Phu Ma Khua, which is located on the western side of the Preah Vihear Temple. As it turned out, several kilometres away on the eastern side of the temple, exchange of fire also occurred at Pha Mo E Daeng.
To ensure fast, accurate and systematic news and information dissemination, a media team should be established at the Thai-Cambodian border to deal with information gathering and sharing during the time of crisis. During the Cambodian conflict, the Foreign Ministry set up a regional office at Aranyaprathet to help the Thai armed forces and other government agencies to coordinate with the Cambodian side.
It was interesting to note that before the exchange of gunfire on October 15 afternoon, Nor Namhong called Sompong in the morning and praised the peaceful situation along the border. He also praised Hun Sen for his softer attitude and the appeal for peace. As Sompong was giving a press conference on the same afternoon to report on the progress on Thai-Cambodian talks two days earlier, Sompong found out that fighting had already erupted. He was upset.
Finally, Thai military officials must allow local journalists and Bangkok-based foreign correspondents to have access to the border. Quite often, Thai soldiers on the ground had knee-jerk reactions to journalists covering the conflict. Better handling of the media would go a long way to fight future rounds of the information war.
While the Thai army has shown many weaknesses, it does show some strength and maturity by displaying the utmost restraint. With its overwhelming firepower and greater number of soldiers, the Thai army has chosen to respond to the tension in proportionate ways without any threat of using heavy weapons.
The Nation
Published on October 27, 2008
THE FIRST CASUALTY in the Thai-Cambodian conflict is truth. Until today, both countries have continued to insist that the first shot was fired by the other side on October 15 at 2.30pm. In addition, the Cambodian side said its troops captured two Thai soldiers while the Thai army denied the news reports and dismissed the photos showing two Thai prisoners in casual pose released by a major wire service obtained from the Cambodian side as old photos. Several days later, neither side has bothered to substantiate their claims.
Apparently, the two governments were more preoccupied on another front - the information war - how the brief skirmish was reported and perceived by international media and community. Judging from available reports and information, it was obvious Thailand lost the information war to Cambodia. Phnom Penh showed better coordination among various agencies in the capital and along the Thai-Cambodian border in disseminating information from its side.
The Cambodian government, especially Prime Minister Hun Sen and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, shepherded the news headlines with great skill. A few minutes after a meeting and exchanging pleasantries with visiting Thai Foreign Minister Sompong Amornwiwat in Phnom Penh on October 13, Prime Minister Hun Sen issued an ultimatum for Thailand to remove the Thai troops from the 4.6-square-kilometre overlapping area. He also threatened to take the case to the UN Security Council. Hun Sen's action took the Thai delegation completely by surprise given the nice and cosy atmosphere during the courtesy call.
Since the Thai-Cambodian tension started to simmer in June due to disputes over the World Heritage Site listing of Preah Vihear Temple, which led to sporadic armed clashes, the two countries have met several times. The last two meetings were at the ministerial level between Hor Namhong and former foreign minister Tej Bunnag in August, and the latest round with Sompong recently. They pledged to exercise "utmost restraints" to ensure cessation of fighting along the border. Two Cambodian soldiers were killed in the latest incident and a week before two Thai soldiers were injured by landmines, which the Thai side claimed was newly planted in violation of the 1997 Geneva Convention on Anti-landmines Treaty.
The Cambodian media, coupled with the Phnom Penh-based foreign correspondents, were given wider access to information both in the capital and at the border. Within five hours of the skirmish on October 15, the Cambodian government had already called a press conference as well as provided a briefing to the diplomatic community. The Thai ambassador was also summoned on the same day to the Foreign Ministry.
When shooting started at Huay Tha Mari in Phu Ma Khua, Thai soldiers at the border blocked Thai journalists from entering the conflict areas giving all kinds of excuses. As such, from the Thai side, information and report gathering on-site were limited. Dispatches from Phnom Penh contained more information about the brief clash, including the details of capture of Thai troops.
In more ways than one, the Cambodian media and Phnom Penh-based wire services have portrayed Thailand as a big neighbour, which was trying to divert the domestic attention away from its ongoing political chaos at home. They reflected the Cambodian government's views, widely using quotes from Hun Sen and Hor Namhong. Even Chris Mullins, a British member of Parliament, came out and said that what happened along the border was a result of the actions of the Thai military that turned Thailand's internal problems into a dispute with Cambodia.
Interestingly, the Cambodian media did not touch on the ever-changing positions of Hun Sen regarding proposed negotiations between the two countries. In July, Pnom Penh wanted to Asean to vet the Thai-Cambodian conflict at the Singapore meeting but Thailand opposed the idea saying that they should solve it using bilateral mechanism. Then Hun Sen proposed that the matter should go to the United Nations. Later on, he backtracked. Not long after that, he suggested a mediator should be introduced to help ease the tension. That too was later trumped by another idea of a third party. So far, his views have not got broad support. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has made it clear that the issue should be settled bilaterally.
Somehow, Thailand could not match the sophistication of Cambodia's information machinery. Now that the border tension has calmed down, concerned Thai authorities have the opportunity to look back and assess their responses. They have to come to grips with their huge weakness and information loopholes.
First of all, the Thai army still lacks the kind of coordination that could produce rapid response to news reports and disseminating their responses speedily and efficiently. Soldiers in the field are still hostile towards the media's enquiries, creating the impression that they did not trust them and therefore, have something to hide. Phnom Penh-based journalists had access to information at the border's disputed areas, much to the chagrin of Thai journalists.
This weakness has led to the second problem. The information the Foreign Ministry and media obtained from the Thai border was piecemeal and not comprehensive and sometimes inaccurate. For instance, on October 15, the Thai media knew through military sources that fighting had erupted at Phu Ma Khua, which is located on the western side of the Preah Vihear Temple. As it turned out, several kilometres away on the eastern side of the temple, exchange of fire also occurred at Pha Mo E Daeng.
To ensure fast, accurate and systematic news and information dissemination, a media team should be established at the Thai-Cambodian border to deal with information gathering and sharing during the time of crisis. During the Cambodian conflict, the Foreign Ministry set up a regional office at Aranyaprathet to help the Thai armed forces and other government agencies to coordinate with the Cambodian side.
It was interesting to note that before the exchange of gunfire on October 15 afternoon, Nor Namhong called Sompong in the morning and praised the peaceful situation along the border. He also praised Hun Sen for his softer attitude and the appeal for peace. As Sompong was giving a press conference on the same afternoon to report on the progress on Thai-Cambodian talks two days earlier, Sompong found out that fighting had already erupted. He was upset.
Finally, Thai military officials must allow local journalists and Bangkok-based foreign correspondents to have access to the border. Quite often, Thai soldiers on the ground had knee-jerk reactions to journalists covering the conflict. Better handling of the media would go a long way to fight future rounds of the information war.
While the Thai army has shown many weaknesses, it does show some strength and maturity by displaying the utmost restraint. With its overwhelming firepower and greater number of soldiers, the Thai army has chosen to respond to the tension in proportionate ways without any threat of using heavy weapons.
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