Saturday, 11 July 2009

A Group of Soldiers Come to Intervene, Raiding the Battambang Forestry Department, to Take Back Wood – Friday, 10.7.2009

Posted on 11 July 2009.
The Mirror, Vol. 13, No. 620
http://cambodiamirror.wordpress.com/

“Battambang: According to a report delivered to Kampuchea Thmey, at 10:00 in the morning of 8 July 2009 – at Chrab Krasang village, Wat Kor commune, Battambang – a group of forestry administration officials launched a raid on a truck loaded with 20 pieces of neang nuon, a type of luxury wood, of more than five cubic meters, transported by businesspeople on a truck using the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces number plate 07.3-4326, driven by Sa Moeun, a soldier of the Border Battalion 502.

“Forestry administration officials said that after the truck was intercepted, Sa Moeun immediately told them that they could not confiscate the wood, as it belonged to Major-General Bun Seng, the commander of Military Region 5.

“The forestry administration officials went on to say that after Sa Moeun had said that the wood belongs to Major-General Bun Seng, forestry officials led official personnel to prevent the truck from leaving. However, just ten minutes later, a group of soldiers, who were all armed with weapons, came by car to intervene, to let the illegal truck go, while forestry official could only stand by and look on sadly.

“The Battambang forestry administration chief, Mr. Ly Chou Bieng, told Kampuchea Thmey via telephone that the fact that armed soldiers came to intervene to take back the neang nuon wood loaded on the truck, is seriously wrong. He has already filed a complaint to the Battambang Municipal Court to issue a warrant to request the wood back and to keep it as evidence, to solve the situation according to the law.

“But some people said that there is little hope for action from the Battambang Municipal Court issuing a warrant to bring the wood back as evidence, because obviously, there had been already a first attempt to crack down on a crime, but we did not have a handle to halt their actions, and once there was an intervention to take the wood, it is not easy to take it back.

“Civil servants in Battambang criticized that even though there is a law for this field, Mr. Sa Moeun, a soldier of the Border Battalion 502, ordered soldiers, armed with weapons, to intervene to get the wood back illegally, which is a crime, and furthermore he dragged the name of the commander of Military Region 5 into the event, while actually, Mr. Bun Seng simply does not even know anything about this case.

“Kampuchea Thmey phoned Major-General Bun Seng several times for a comment, but we could not reach him.”

Kampuchea Thmey, Vol.8, #1992, 10.7.2009
Newspapers Appearing on the Newsstand:
Friday, 10 July 2009

Cambodia's old temples - without the crowds


July 11, 2009
John Burgess
The Washington Post

It's early on a Sunday morning in Cambodia, and I'm standing at a 12th-century moat. Traces of mist hover above the lotus leaves that dapple the water. Across a causeway, through a tumbled-down gate, lies Banteay Chhmar, one of the largest temples ever built by the ancient Khmer Empire. My friends and I will have the place all to ourselves.

We walk in. It turns out that we do end up sharing it, with a local man who brings his cows onto the grounds to graze. And with an affable mason who leads us across acres of fallen stone to see a message from the past, an inscription chiseled into the door jamb of a holy tower. This kind of company we welcome.

Cambodia's great temples of Angkor, 100 kilometres away, have long since been rediscovered after a quarter-century of closure by war. They now draw more than a million foreign visitors a year, not a few of whom regret that so many other people had the same idea. At peak hours, human traffic jams can form at temple steps.

But go beyond Angkor and you can find places that serve up the old solitude and sense of discovery.

Banteay Chhmar is among the most spectacular of these places. Getting to it entails hours on very bumpy and dusty dirt roads. Staying the night means making do with primitive accommodations: candlelit rooms in local homes, bath water drawn from that same moat.

I stayed the night, and it turned out to really make the visit. The next morning I rose early, as everyone here does, and took a walk in clean country air. I passed hens foraging with their chicks, boys tending to a mud oven in which charcoal was being made. I was seeing not only a temple but a way of life.

Today several thousand people -- rice farmers, cattle herders, market vendors -- make their homes on all four sides of the temple. They grow vegetables on the banks of a series of moats; they pile straw within the walls of lesser ancient buildings that dot their settlement. The ancient and present day coexist.

Spending time here also means doing a good turn, spreading a bit of wealth in a part of a war-recovering country that has largely missed out on the tourist dollars that Angkor is bringing in. People do have cellphones (charged by generator), and some have small tractors, but there are few other signs of affluence.

Banteay Chhmar was created in the Khmer Empire's last great burst of construction, under the 12th-century Buddhist king Jayavarman VII. His engineers were thinking big even by Khmer standards: To contain a great settlement, they built earthworks and moats that formed a square measuring roughly one 1.5 kilometres on each side. At its centre, within another square moat system, they built the temple.

More than a century ago, French archeologist Etienne Aymonier found the temple to be in a state of "indescribable ruin.'' It still is, despite the efforts of the friendly mason, who is part of a small reconstruction team. But that's part of what makes the site so enticing.

Exploring it means climbing over piles of large fallen stones. We passed ruined towers, courtyards and ceremonial walkways. Sometimes the stones were so high that we were walking at roof level.

The temple is no longer a formal religious site, but Cambodians believe that it, like all those that their forebears left behind, remains a holy site. In one surviving chamber we found a small contemporary shrine, with a Buddha image wearing a cloth robe, where people made incense offerings.

One of the best parts of this temple is the many bas-reliefs on its outer walls. We had to scramble up more stones to get a good view. Before us was a full sample of life 900 years ago: processions of elephants, prominent ladies tended by maids, children roughhousing, villagers in a sampan, servants tending a stove.

There were also many scenes of war with Champa, a long-vanished rival state to the east: The temple is in large part a memorial to four generals who lost their lives in that long conflict. On land, the men of arms go at one another fiercely with spears (you can identify the Chams by the curious blossom-shaped headdress they wear). On water, rows of men pull at oars from galleys as others strike at the enemy with spears. There are also images of the divine, notably the god Vishnu, with 32 arms arrayed like rays of light.

The carving style is similar to that of the Bayon temple reliefs in Angkor. The difference is there's no need to fight for a view. We did cross paths for a few minutes our first day with a party of about 20 French-speaking tourists. We saw no other visitors that day or the next.

Late in the afternoon, we went to see what the ancient Khmers could do with water. Just east of the temple, they created a big reservoir. Academics disagree over whether it did only symbolic duty as an earthly stand-in for the mythic Sea of Creation, or was part of an irrigation system, or both. Whatever the truth, I was awed by the scale.

The reservoir was now largely dry, but because its floor is low and collects water, it has been divided into rice paddies. We went for a stroll, walking along paddy dikes to keep our feet dry.

We said hello to members of a farming family who were tinkering with a small tractor. A woman had caught a bucketful of paddy crabs and insects, which she would sell as food.

I spent the night at the house of a Cambodian family, friends of a friend. They couldn't have been more gracious. They gave me a room, bottled water, mosquito coils and a big luxury: a car battery hooked to a fluorescent light.

Other members of our party slept at a formal homestay, the term given to guesthouses.

It had two rooms with large beds covered by mosquito nets. Downstairs there was a basic bathroom with a squat toilet and scoop bath.

In the morning we went exploring on foot. Mixed in among wooden homes we passed were the stone walls of lesser 12th-century relics that had been monasteries or small temples. The ruins of one temple's gate lay foliage-shrouded just a few steps from a house. Little boys ran about, and a teenage girl ironed clothing.

We had breakfast at a stall in the town's market; there are no proper restaurants. It was noodle soup with chicken, and very good.

I first visited Angkor in 1969. Back then, you could be alone in the big temples there. I once walked through the largest of them, Angkor Wat, encountering hardly a soul.

It's good to know that such an experience can still be had. You just have to work a bit harder for it.

If you go:

? Getting around: There is no public transportation to the sites described here; wheels are on a bring-your-own basis. Tour companies in Siem Reap will arrange visits. If you feel adventurous, you can strike deals directly with taxi or motorcycle drivers and go on your own.

Being Mealea and Koh Ker can both be visited in one long day. Banteay Chhmar, at four hours each way, is a bigger challenge to reach. If you're entering Cambodia overland from Thailand, you can save time by turning north at Sisophon town to reach the temple.

? When to go: Winter is Cambodia's peak tourist season. Avoid March, April and May, the peak time for heat. Don't be scared off by the summer-through-fall rainy season. The rains typically occur only in late afternoon.

? Where to stay: A French non-profit organization has been helping Banteay Chhmar operate a homestay program. It provides for overnight accommodations, often in a guesthouse next door to the host family's home; meals; local culture performances; and an ox cart ride. Tour companies can book you. Or you make direct contact by emailing program co-ordinator Tath Sophal at: tathsophal@yahoo.com.

Being Mealea isn't really far enough from Siem Reap for an overnight. Koh Ker has guesthouse accommodations.

? For more information: The

official Cambodian tourism site is www.tourismcambodia.com

Cambodians still traumatized by legacy of Khmer Rouge


Published: 07/10/09

KAMPONG SPEU, Cambodia — They started arriving before 8 a.m., middle-age men and women, poor rice farmers mostly — damaged survivors of the Khmer Rouge regime.

The Documentation Center of Cambodia, a private research organization that collects evidence of the Khmer Rouge regime that ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979, was bringing to this small provincial town a video projector and a DVD. It shows highlights of the current defendant’s testimony in the Khmer Rouge trial under way in Phnom Penh.

“I want to contribute to engaging the victims in the court process,” explained Youk Chhang, the center’s director. “Some Cambodians have moved on. But there are others who still suffer, and these are the ones we are targeting.”

That’s just who he got.

For an hour, about 75 people watched transfixed as Kaing Guek Eav, commander of S-21, the notorious prison/torture chamber where thousands of Cambodians died, described his crimes. He is better known as Duch, and he told how he supervised as his soldiers executed victims by whacking them on the back of the head with a hoe.

Duch is 66 now and looked directly at the judges with a calm and confident gaze, seeming to be the commander still, as he confessed to his terrible crimes, apologized and asked for forgiveness.

“I was given a directive to use a plastic bag to suffocate prisoners,” he acknowledged.

When the video excerpts ended, the room sat silent — stunned, it seemed. A documentation center official asked audience members to talk about what they had seen. The DVD was paused on a scene in which Duch seemed to be staring directly at the crowd with a stern, almost threatening, gaze.

The first woman who raised her hand took the microphone and promptly broke into tears. “Forgiveness is not acceptable,” she declared, wiping her eyes. “They killed my father and two older brothers.”

Next a middle-age man told of how six of his relatives died, and as he spoke his large brown eyes grew red and filled with tears. Still another man was choking up so that his words were hard to understand.

“I was a child, and I was starving,” he stammered. “They gave us no food, and sometimes I would fall down and pass out and then wake up again.” And so it went.

Cathartic? Perhaps. Injurious? Maybe.

The problem is, almost half the adult population of Cambodia, those over 35 or 40 years of age, shows symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, a severe psychological condition that typically afflicts soldiers, but also civilians who live through trauma — like the horror here 30 years ago. And for them, psychiatric experts say, watching a video like the one these people saw is like poking a stick in a hornet’s nest. It triggers all of the symptoms: pain, rage — even violence.

One medical study of Cambodian refugees in Long Beach, Calif. — the nation’s largest concentration of Cambodians — found that 62 percent of the adults had PTSD. That and other studies found a generally dysfunctional population with high levels of alcoholism, drug use — and terrible violence.

Daryn Reicherter, a psychiatrist at Stanford University, served as a consultant to the Documentation Center here in the spring and came back concerned.

“There needs to be some medical follow-up with these people” after the show has ended, he insisted.

So far, the Documentation Center has trucked more than 10,000 villagers to Phnom Penh to see the trial — or brought DVD excerpts to show in their own villages. Youk Chhang understands the doctors’ concerns but points out that he is a researcher, not a treatment specialist. The government, he says, should provide any needed psychiatric services. But then, Cambodia has only about 26 psychiatrists in the entire nation.

Yim Choy, a 44-year-old farmer, shouted at the crowd, saying that he had been conscribed to a child-labor team. “I cannot forgive Duch,” he declared, his voice laced with bitter anger. “How can I when I saw him throw little boys against a tree?”

Afterward, he told me that, even now, he cannot talk about those times without growing angry. And yet he has a hard time keeping the thoughts out of his mind. He even dreams of the horrors — a hallmark of PTSD.

“I see myself with my hands tied behind me.” All of that makes him angrier still.

After watching scenes like this, Reicherter posed a rhetorical question: “Why is this important?”

“Children are growing up,” he explained, “with violent, PTSD parents who are drunk and beat them. That’s the generation that is coming.”

Joel Brinkley, a McClatchy Newspapers columnist, is a former Pulitzer Prize-winning foreign correspondent for The New York Times and now teaching at Stanford University. Contact him at jbrink@stanford.edu.

Nuke business in top gear in France on eve of PM's visit

Saturday, July 11, 2009

New Delhi (IANS) As Prime Minister Manmohan Singh goes to Paris on Monday, France is moving ahead rapidly to implement its bilateral civil nuclear pact with India. French company Areva is close to finalising a contract for two nuclear reactors to be set up in Maharashtra.

Paris is pulling out all stops to welcome Manmohan Singh, who will be the chief guest at France's National Day celebrations July 14 - the first foreign head of government to be accorded such an honour.

He is the first foreign leader to be chief guest at the Bastille Day parade, French envoy Jerome Bonnafont told reporters here Friday.

German President Horst Koehler and Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen, who will be in France on a bilateral visit, will also attend the colourful parade in which 400 Indian airmen will also participate.

In the past, several foreign leaders have attended the Bastille Day parade, but the Indian prime minister is the only one to be made chief guest, the envoy said.

The honour reciprocates India's gesture of inviting French President Nicolas Sarkozy as the guest of honour at the Republic Day parade. "It is a symbol of close cooperation between India and France," the envoy said.

"The participation of Indian armed forces in the parade is an occasion to commemorate Indian soldiers' participation on our sides and in our territory during the two world wars," the envoy said.

Mr. Sarkozy will host a working lunch for Mr. Manmohan Singh July 14 and hold talks on a range of bilateral and global issues, including terrorism, civil nuclear trade, climate change, defence ties and the global financial crisis.

Ahead of the visit, the French envoy on Thursday came out strongly in support of India's call for reform of the United Nations and backed India for a permanent seat in the Security Council.

As Mr. Manmohan Singh goes to Paris, French nuclear conglomerate Areva is discussing with the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) the preparation of a contract for two advanced EPR nuclear reactors of 1,650 MW each. The reactors will be set up in Jaitapur in Maharashtra. The negotiations on issues relating to the contract, including the crucial civil liabilities in case of an accident, are in advanced stage, diplomatic sources said.

The bilateral nuclear cooperation pact, that was inked during Mr. Manmohan Singh's visit to Paris September 30 last year making France the first country to sign such an agreement, has already reached the Senate, upper chamber of the French parliament.

France has also indicated that it's ready to re-process spent fuel at a facility in its territory if India requested for it.

Interventions needed in Cambodia to reduce HIV transmission from wealthier urban men to their wives

Roger Pebody
Friday, July 10, 2009

A household survey in Cambodia found an HIV prevalence of 0.6%, and also found that infection was more common in urban areas and in wealthier households, researchers report in the July 17th edition of AIDS. A number of the findings support the hypothesis that the majority of infections in men are related to buying sex and that most women are infected by their husbands.

Previous monitoring of the HIV epidemic in Cambodia relied on surveys in specific groups, and suggested that prevalence was as high as 24% in injecting drug users, 21% in brothel-based sex workers, 5% in men who have sex with men, 2.5% in policemen, and 2.2% in pregnant women. These surveys did suggest that prevalence had been declining since 1998, but given weaknesses in the methodology, there was an urgent need to validate the estimates of the prevalence in the general population with a different approach.

The Cambodia Demography and Health Survey recruited a national representative sample of people aged 15 to 49 years from all parts of the country. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 6514 men and 8188 women. (More women than men were interviewed in order to collect more reliable data on other topics such as fertility and infant mortality.)

Interviewees also gave fingerprick blood samples for HIV antibody testing. They did not receive their test results, but were given information about free local HIV testing services.

HIV prevalence in the general population was lower than expected, at 0.6% for both men and women. However it was considerably higher in urban areas than in rural areas: 1.6% in urban men, but 0.4% in rural men, with similar figures for women. (Approximately 15% of the Cambodian population lives in urban areas.)

HIV infection was largely limited to people who were married or had previously been married. Even adjusting for age, the highest rates were in people who were divorced, separated or widowed (women in this group were 23 times more likely to be HIV-positive than single women). Moreover, because women tended to marry younger than men, infection was more common in women under the age of 29 than in men of the same age group.

Thirty per cent of women were at least five years younger than their spouses, and HIV prevalence depended on the age gap. Women who were at least ten years younger than their spouse were five times as likely to have HIV as women whose spouse was the same age.

While 0.3% of sexually active women reported having more than one partner in the past year, 17% of urban men and 8% of rural men did so. Around two-thirds of these men’s partners were sex workers. Men with multiple partners were four times as likely to have HIV as men who only had one partner.

Both men and women who scored high on a wealth index were more likely to have HIV than poorer people, with the relationship being strongest for men. Moreover, in urban areas, men with some education had higher HIV prevalence than those with no schooling, but the opposite relationship was seen for women.

The authors note that some other studies have identified links between HIV and wealth, rather than poverty. However they argue that the relationship can differ by sex. In Cambodia, the HIV epidemic is largely driven by sex work and male clients, and the survey confirmed that paid and extramarital sex are more common in men with higher socio-economic status. However, HIV in wealthier women is likely to be linked to the behaviour of husbands rather than women themselves.

Nonetheless, the authors do also suggest that educated women may have greater independence, economic power and ability to negotiate with their partners.

For at least ten years, prevention activities in Cambodia have intensively targeted sex workers and their clients with a focus on 100% condom use and treatment of sexually transmitted infections. The authors believe these programmes should be sustained, but call for additional interventions to reduce HIV transmission from husbands to wives. “Efforts to empower women for better access to information, education and care seem critically important,” they suggest.

References

Sopheab H et al. Distribution of HIV in Cambodia: findings from the first national population survey. AIDS 23:1389-1395, 2009.

Editor Apologizes to Hun Sen for Stories

By Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
10 July 2009

An opposition editor accused of publishing inciting articles apologized to the prime minister on Thursday, vowing to discontinue publication of his newspaper in a bid to avoid court and possible imprisonment.

“I understand my serious mistakes and have regret and very much remorse in my life,” Dam Sith, editor of Moneasekar Khmer, wrote in a letter to Hun Sen.

Phnom Penh Municipal Court has subpoenaed Dam Sith to appear in court July 14, “to answer charges by the government over defamation, insult, disinformation, incitement and the breakup of solidarity.”

In his letter, Dam Sith swore to discontinue publication of his newspaper.

“I will not publish Moneaksekar Khmer newspaper on receiving forgiveness from Samdech Akkak Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen,” Dam Sith wrote, using the full title of the prime minister and asking for help in being freed from charges in the court. “I would like to promise to support the win-win policy of [Hun Sen] in the construction of the nation toward progress.”

Long Dara, a government lawyer, said Dam Sith published 18 articles between February and May 2009 attacking government officials without fact. But he said the prime minister would now withdraw the case against him, having received the letter of apology.

“Samdech approved of the apology letter,” Long Dara said. “We have written to pull the lawsuit out of court.”

Dam Sith was jailed for two weeks in 2008 for publishing remarks by opposition leader Sam Rainsy that implicated Foreign Minister Hor Namhong in Khmer Rouge collaboration. He was freed when Hor Namhong dropped the suit against him.

His apology comes after another opposition journalist, Hang Chakra, received a yearlong prison sentence and $2,250 fine for articles he published in his Khmer Machach Srok newspaper, attacking senior officials for corruption.

Prior to that arrest, the National Assembly voted to strip the immunity of two Sam Rainsy Party lawmakers, Mu Sochua and Ho Vann, who are fighting defamation cases brought by Hun Sen and 22 senior military leaders, respectively.

Key Sectors Challenged by Downturn: UNDP

By Ros Sothea, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
10 July 2009

The world economic crisis is having a direct impact on four of Cambodia’s key economic drivers, which will need to become more competitive, according to a report released by UNDP this month.

Agriculture, construction, garments and tourism each face challenges from the economic downturn, and “Cambodia now needs to consolidate its progress, nurture its potential and sustain its growth,” the UNDP said in its report, “Cambodia Country Competitiveness: Driving Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction.”

“It is a unique opportunity right now,” Douglas Broaderick, the UNDP’s chief representative, told VOA Khmer. “Cambodia needs to get some of the things done that could set-up Cambodia to be stronger economically and to be able to help people in a much better way, in terms of competitiveness linked to economic growth.”

The agricultural sector, which generates a third of Cambodia’s GDP and employs more than half its workforce of 8 million people, suffers from low education in the rural work force, limited access to financing, poor roads and irrigation and limited market access, the report said.

The UNDP recommended the development of rural non-farm economies, such as roads, rural electrification, education and financial training, as well as better coordination between suppliers and manufacturers.

And while the cost of labor is a main motive for garment manufacturers to come into Cambodia, productivity remains lower than neighboring countries, the report said, citing as an example productivity that is three times lower than in Thailand.

The UNDP also recommended that the government re-examine its investment laws, to improve the manufacturing of textiles and garments, which comprised 12 percent of the GDP in 2007 and employed more than 360,000 people.

The sector lost 51,000 jobs between September 2008 and March 2009, as a global economic crisis, kindled by a US financial meltdown, spread. Around 70 factories have closed in that time.

The UNDP recommended training workers to begin producing goods higher in value, and to improve industrial relations.

Meanwhile, competitiveness in the tourism sector remains poor, ranking 112th of 130 countries at a recent World Economic Forum, due in part to high energy costs and expensive flights, as well as limited infrastructure and costs associated with corruption, the UNDP said.

Human resources in the sector remain low, and an uneven application of policies and rules plagues the sector.

“Rich cultural assets, such as Angkor Wat, give Cambodia a competitive advantage, but reliance on Angkor Wat as the primary tourist attraction cannot be sustained,” the report said.

The UNDP recommened relaxing tourist visa restrictions, exploring open sky policies and reducing the costs and improving the quality of tourism products.

In the construction sector, Cambodia has enjoyed an increase in both scale and value of projects, including high-rise apartment and office buildings currently under construction.

The country has the lowest wages for construction workers in Southeast Asia, but productivity is relatively low and there are shortages of labor to meet demands and of skilled workers, the report said.

Engineers and architects are overwhelmingly foreign, while electricians, welders, carpenters and other skilled workers are in short supply.

Added to these difficulties is the complicated constrution law, which means it takes an average 710 days for approval of construction permits—compared to 200 days in Vietnam and 150 days in Thailand.

Companies say they resort to paying bribes in order to shorten the time frame.

“The highly bureaucratic regulation of licensing in the construction sector may reduce its competitiveness,” the report said.

Cambodia is at the bottom 10 percent of countries in the World Bank’s corruption index, leading to a dearth of investment from the world’s largest industrialized countries, whose own national laws forbid participation in corrupt practices.

The UNDP recommended investments in vocational training, improvements to permit procedures and the strengthening and enforcement of building standards.

With the four key sectors flagging, costs remain high in information and communication technology, discouraging further investment.

Overall, the UNDP recommended putting more resources into education, as Cambodia lags behind its Southeast Asian neighbors, ranking lowest in the region.

Cheam Yiep, a Cambodian People’s Party lawmaker and head of the National Assembly’s finance commitee, said the UNDP’s analysis was “just partly true,” but he did not elaborate.

Still, the goverment will take the report’s findings under consideration, he said.

Duch Prison Survivor Describes Suicide Attempts

By Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
10 July 2009

A survivor of one of Duch’s Khmer Rouge prisons told the UN-backed tribunal Thursday she had often considered suicide during her incarceration, but in the end found no means by which to end her life.

Chim Meth, a 51-year-old former Khmer Rouge soldier who was detained in Prey Sar prison, one of three facilities operated by Duch, said on her second day of testimony she had discussed killing herself with friends in the prison and even tried to poison herself on one occasion.

“I could not resist the torture done to me, so I wanted to commit suicide,” she said. “I heard that the bark of a tree could gently kill a person, so I cut the bark and put it in water and drank it, but unfortunately I did not die.”

Duch, 66, whose real name is Kaing Kek Iev, is undergoing an atrocity crimes trial at the tribunal court, for his role as administrator of Prey Sar, torture center Tuol Sleng and the execution site of Choeung Ek, on the outskirts of the capital.

Chim Meth, who was beaten during 15 days of questioning, continued to find ways to end her life, but the prison was bare of such implements.

“I looked for anything in jail to kill myself, but I couldn’t find anything, because prison security never kept anything in the jail, such as a stick or krama,” she said. “One day I abandoned my goal to commit suicide, because there was one woman who told me that our lives are valuable and we should try to live for the future.”

Under the Khmer Rouge, more than 2 million people died from overwork, privation and execution, as the ultra-Maoist rebels exacted an overhaul of Cambodian society.

Chim Meth appealed to the court to find justice for her parents and others who died under the regime.

Given a chance to respond to the testimony, Duch said he would not address remarks of a psychological nature. He was in court to respond to crimes under the rule of law, he said.

Despite Woes, Tribunal Seen Helping Justice System

By VOA Khmer, Sothearith Im
Original report from Washington
10 July 2009

Allegations of corruption aside, experts say the Khmer Rouge tribunal will help set a standard for Cambodia’s common justice system, while setting an example for international courts in the future.

Cambodia’s judicial system is widely seen as politically biased and corrupt, but as the UN-backed tribunal continues to try former leaders of the regime, it can serve as a model to the everyday courts and police.

“The tribunal has an impact beyond its own life,” said Gregory Stanton, president of Genocide Watch and the International Association of Genocide Scholars. “In other words, the judges who are Cambodian judges who are part of it will carry the experience into the future.”

The hybrid tribunal consists of UN- and nationally appointed staffs in the offices of prosecution and investigation and the Pre-Trial and Trial chambers of the court.

The so-called jurists have not seen eye-to-eye on every issue, and the prosecution office will lose its top UN jurist, Robert Petit, whose proposal to indict more leaders of the regime has met resistance from his Cambodian counterpart, Chea Leang.

The Khmer Rouge tribunal has also been dogged by allegations of mismanagement and corruption, and from Cambodian staff members who say they have had to pay kickbacks to senior government officials for their jobs.

In some way, however, the tribunal will create “a very good precedent” for future courts, Stanton told VOA Khmer in a recent interview.

“The trouble with international tribunals is they leave no legacy, whereas with a mixed tribunal like this one, it leaves a legacy in the country,” he said.

Alex Hinton​​​​ is director of center for the Studies of Genocide and Human Rights at Rutgers University. An expert on Khmer Rouge atrocities, he has been closely watching the tribunal.

One of the most important aspects of the tribunal is its structure and the way it applies international law, which will be watched by many different observers, Hinton said in an interview.

“I’ve talked to judges who say this, [that] watching, sort of, how the international system works, how the rule of law is applied according to international standards, is something that, hopefully, will be a legacy, that judges who are involved in this, people who are involved in this, [and] law school students who are attending the trial will watch how this works, and that will have a long term impact,” he said.

In conceiving of a hybrid system that also allows the participation of civil parties—victims of the regime who can file suit alongside criminal proceedings— the Cambodian tribunal could be emulated by other courts, he said.

“The court, in terms of civil party rights and civil party presence, that’s another area where it’s really cutting-edge, in terms of making the international law where the civil parties are in the court room been represented, sitting alongside with prosecution,” Hinton said. “Never before have they had rights like they are having with this tribunal.”

Youk Chhang, director of Documentation Center of Cambodia, has similar views.

The tribunal has four noteworthy characteristics, he said: it is being undertaken with participation of people in the country were atrocity crimes were committed, provides international justice with a lower price tag, has made the arrest of suspects easier, and has witnesses and evidence close at hand.

“This court is special, as it is a foundation for a country that suffered from genocide to establish the rule of law, to reconcile, to teach students about the genocide, to create dialogue, and to encourage freedom of expression,” he said. “The court provides a higher standard of justice for the current Cambodian courts to follow.”

The tribunal will also leave materials, tools and resources as its legacy, which will help strengthen Cambodia’s own judicial system in the future, he said.

Mong Mony Chakriya, a Supreme Court judge with extensive experience in Cambodia’s system, said he hoped the tribunal would benefit Cambodia a great deal, beyond the prosecution of Khmer Rouge leaders.

“The establishment of [the tribunal] benefits our justice system,” he said. “In our society, people get justice, and those who work with international experts receive good experience in establishing our court system and our legal system in the future.”

Hun Sen Leaves for Official French Visit

By Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer
Original report from Phnom Penh
10 July 2009

Prime Minister Hun Sen left for France on Thursday, to participate in a five-day official visit at the invitation of French President Nicolas Sarkozy.

This is the first visit of the prime minister to France under his third mandate, following elections in July 2008, and is meant “to strengthen bilateral cooperation,” according to Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Koy Kuong.

Hun Sen will also meet his French counterpart, Francois Fillon, and Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, Koy Kuong said.

Hun Sen said in public remarks ahead of his departure he would meet with Sarkozy on July 13 and participate in France’s National Day, or Bastille Day, July 14.

He will be accompanied by Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.

France is one of the most important donors to Cambodia, contributing around $25 million annually in aid.

Laurant Le Marchand, first secretary of French Embassy, said France assists especially in judicial reform, the rule of law, gendarmerie training and continued support for the Khmer Rouge tribunal.

CAMBODIA: "Floating toilets" offer hope for river communities

10 Jul 2009

Source: IRIN

Reuters and AlertNet are not responsible for the content of this article or for any external internet sites. The views expressed are the author's alone.

PHNOM PENH, 10 July 2009 (IRIN) - A toilet now in the development stage could improve the health of thousands living in Cambodia's impoverished river communities.

River communities' homes are typically built on floating platforms and moved seasonally, and rarely have proper latrines. Occupants use the river – the same water they use for drinking, cooking and washing.

The health risks are high: according to Resource Development International–Cambodia [see: http://www.rdic.org/home.htm] , a faith-based NGO, 74 percent of all deaths are due to waterborne diseases, including diarrhoea.

Cambodia has one of the highest infant and under-five mortality rates in the region, at 97 and 141 per 1,000 live births, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) reports.

Many rural Cambodians see latrines as filthy, preferring open defecation as being more natural.

"It's not a poverty issue. Some wealthy people in the countryside don't have good sanitation, and some poor families do have it," Chea Samnan, director of rural healthcare for the Ministry of Rural Development, said. "It's an issue of access to the right information."

As part of its "River of Life" profect, Lien Aid [see: http://www.lienaid.org/home] , a Singaporean-based NGO, is working on what it describes as a "floating toilet". The toilets - built on floating platforms and attached to homes – will effectively prevent faeces from entering the water.

"We are still in the preliminary stages of testing out the prototypes," Sahari Ani, Lien Aid's head, told IRIN.

Eco-sanitation design

The device has three components - a superstructure, a urine diversion pan, and a space for a removable bucket or container for waste material.

Central to the design is the pan itself, effectively separating urine from faeces. A separate section of the pan allows for anal washing.

Materials such as dry soil, ash and wood chips can be added to excreta, thereby reducing odour and pathogens, while cutting the volume of waste.

The semi-decomposed faeces is then treated at a secondary storage chamber for complete decomposition and pathogen destruction, while the nutrient-heavy urine could be used as fertilizer after removal.

Commenting on the merits of the pan, Judy Hagan, project manager of a different operator, the Tonle Sap Floating Latrine Design Project, said separating the two waste materials reduced the bulk and mass of the faeces that needed to be treated, making it more viable in a floating environment.

Key challenges

But introducing such concepts in a country like Cambodia will not be easy.

As floating river communities exist only in Cambodia and a handful of other Asian nations, latrines designed specifically for their needs are rare and expensive.

Added to this is the country's lack of qualified engineers, poor sanitation infrastructure and low level of hygiene awareness.

"The more difficult challenge is to help the community build up the human resources necessary to make the venture financially sustainable over the long term," Sahari Ani said.

According to the World Bank, only 16 percent of rural Cambodians have a proper toilet, the lowest level in Southeast Asia.

Moreover, despite the country's abundant freshwater rivers and lakes, 60 percent of its population do not have access to safe water and 85 percent are without adequate sanitation, Lien Aid stated.

Cost effectiveness

While an exact price for the device is still being determined, the NGO hopes costs can be kept to a minimum, with families possibly purchasing building material in bulk to keep down costs.

One-third of Cambodians live on less than US$0.50 a day, according to government statistics, making cost a significant factor.

"We will still try to keep costs down by exploring the use of [local] materials and by encouraging local entrepreneurs to manufacture the required parts," Lien Aid's head explained.

Although fairly new, villagers in Cambodia have already been learning how to construct cheaper latrines for as little as $15 each from the community-led total sanitation programme, started in 2005 by UNICEF and Cambodia's Ministry of Rural Development.

And while not of the floating toilet type, the self-built, cost-effective latrines could provide further impetus to the floating toilet prototype once their use becomes more widespread.

Friday, 10 July 2009

Abhisit creating more tension over Preah Vihear

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Sam

Dear Editor,

Since Preah Vihear temple was registered by UNESCO as a World Heritage site in Cambodia on July 7, 2008, I have been following the situation closely by reading your online news as my main source, and other online sources.

I found that Thailand often aims to make claims without any credibility or basis in fact over the Preah Vihear temple and the surrounding land.

Although I have never blogged about those nonsenses, I have decided to write this letter to you and offer my opinion after hearing that the current Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has made a statement that could start a new chapter of violence.

According to the Thai daily newspaper The Bangkok Post [June 17, 2009], Abhisit said that "the registration of Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site had brought about conflict and losses, and this would appear to be against UNESCO's objectives in having heritage sites."

In fact, such a statement does not solve the conflict but creates a new one.

It appears that the dispute did not start after the registration of Preah Vihear as a World Heritage site. It started decades ago, although the World Court ruled in 1962 that the Preah Vihear temple belonged to Cambodia.

The gunbattles and loss of lives that happened after the listing of Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple as a World Heritage site were purely created by Thailand in order to make it easy to claim and appear to be against UNESCO's objectives.

This is very dangerous because Thailand could continue to promote violence by trespassing in order to support its theory.

The real problem is not what the Thai prime minister has said, but it is because the Thai troops keep trespassing, and that is a fact.

To solve the conflict, the simplest solution is not to create a new one.

From day one when the Thai prime minister came to power without a vote, I started to question his knowledge and ability to solve this conflict and correctly interpret the verdict of World Court's rule in 1962.

Unfortunately, he failed that test.

Sam
Florida, USA


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Send letters to: newsroom@phnompenhpost.com or PO Box 146, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. The Post reserves the right to edit letters to a shorter length.

The views expressed above are solely the author's and do not reflect any positions taken by The Phnom Penh Post.

A former S-21 nurse’s tale of a family of fallen revolutionaries

Kambol (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 15/02/2009: Civil party Khoeum Meth continued her testimony, followed by a former Khmer Rouge nurse, also a plaintive
©John Vink/ Magnum (file picture)


Ka-set
http://cambodia.ka-set.info

By Stéphanie Gée
10-07-2009

On Thursday July 9th, before the parties interrogated by turns Mrs. Chim Meth (or Khoeum Meth), president Nil Nonn reminded them they “must not ask questions that are long or disconnected from the facts.” The survivor, whose place of detention before she was sent to the Prey Sar re-education camp remained unclear, was followed by a former S-21 nurse. Part of a revolutionary family that was purged by a paranoid regime, she inaugurated a new category of civil parties: people who voluntarily served the murderous Angkar before being crushed in their turn by the hellish system.

What did the civil party say yesterday?
Very quickly, a small controversy started over the civil party’s photograph, taken in 1977 and presented in court on the previous day. Marie-Paule Canizarès, co-lawyer for the accused, declared that if all parties agreed to say the photograph was taken in Prey Sar (S-24), the defence would accept that the document was put before the Chamber. Kim Mengkhy, one of the lawyers for Mrs. Chim Meth, protested. “We are not sure where the photograph was taken. The civil party said it had been taken before her arrest, so it cannot have been at S-24…” The French lawyer maintained her stance: “I am going through my notes from yesterday, following the statement of the civil party who, asked by Your Honour whether the photograph had been taken in Prey Sar or in S-21, answered very precisely that it was in Prey Sar. Therefore, I believe that in light of the civil party’s statement, there can be no doubt over the conditions in which the picture was taken.”

Martine Jacquin, co-lawyer for Chim Meth, could be heard protesting in her microphone, which she hadn’t realised was still off: “I do not agree. That is not what she said.” She took the floor again, this time officially: “According to the notes we took, the civil party stated that the picture had been taken in her unit when her biography was made in her unit, and that at the time, she hadn’t been particularly worried about it. Afterwards, when she arrived at the detention centre, the biography and photograph were already there. The accused said it was done in Prey Sar, but for the civil party, she first went to the detention centre and then, she was sent to Prey Sar, while the photographs were made before.”

It turned out that the two lawyers were right, quoting from two different extracts of the civil party’s testimony – after the author of this article verified recordings of the French interpretation of her statement. This illustrated the ambiguities in her testimony, which were not picked up, starting with the location of unit 17, which the civil party belonged to and sometimes located in Prey Sar, sometimes in other places… The only constant on this point of her story was that the photographs were taken before she was arrested.

Duch: the photograph was taken in S-24
Judge Cartwright decided to clarify things with the accused and asked him on what grounds he inferred that the picture, although displayed in S-21, actually originated from Prey Sar. Duch simply returned to the confusions made orally by the civil party, highlighting that she had actually declared the photograph had been taken in Prey Sar, “according to the transcript.” So, actually, the judge pursued, you are relying on Mrs. Chim Meth’s words and you do not have any other argument to support the conclusion you made yesterday? “Any person sent to S-21 was photographed by our staff and a number was also required, especially for people who came from S-24,” he answered without answering and said he hardly knew the relevant procedure that prevailed in Prey Sar. “In principle, people sent to Prey Sar had to be photographed, except for the children, as far as I remember,” he added however. And when the picture does not bear any identification number as is the case here, what does that mean?, the national co-Prosecutor asked Duch, without receiving any satisfying reply.

Mystery over Mrs. Chim Meth’s place of detention
Return to Chim Meth’s interrogation. The Cambodian co-Prosecutor sought to verify Duch’s assertion that each division had its own detention centre (cf. previous day hearing). Did she see prisons in her division, the 450? The civil party did see women from her unit “disappear” but “we were told they were taken to be re-educated. I wasn’t told they were taken to be imprisoned. It was impossible for me to know whether there was a place of detention for these people within the unit.”

In her unit 17, no interrogation or torture, but a quota to fulfil: transplanting at least one hectare of rice per day. Chim Meth described the difficult working conditions, in particular the plough that had to be pulled manually throughout the rice fields, in spite of exhaustion and injuries.

The international co-Prosecutor presented on the screen a statement made by Chim Meth to the Centre for Social Development (CSD, an NGO), as a preliminary step to her application as potential civil party. “This document, was it read to you and do you think it is authentic?”, he asked her. “I recognise my handwriting. I wrote it based on my own feelings.” The co-Prosecutor requested that the document be retained as an element of evidence and sat down. Silence. His speaking time was not yet over. He stood up again. “In this document, you noted that on the second day, you realised you were in Tuol Sleng. Can you tell us more?” “Actually, I knew it only when CSD brought the documents with my photograph. That’s when I realised that I had been detained in a prison which I didn’t know at the time was Tuol Sleng. I only knew I was imprisoned in a building oriented East-West.”

“In the same document,” the co-Prosecutor continued, “you stated that you realised the prison was directed by Duch.” There again, the civil party made a divergent statement. “I did not personally see or recognise Duch. But comrade Meng, who was detained there with me, […] told me [someone named] Duch was now the chief of the Tuol Sleng security office. I learned that when I was detained in Prey Sar.”

Last question from the co-Prosecutor: “Yesterday, you told the Chamber that when your co-detainees went to wash and came back, they warned you by saying: ‘better to die rather than go and wash.’ In your opinion, what may have been the reason for that warning?” Chim Meth said she never found out…

Civil party lawyers chided by the president
Martine Jacquin, co-lawyer for the civil party, then returned at length to the personal story of her client – who was raised by her grandparents and forcibly recruited as a teenager in the Khmer Rouge army. This warranted her two calls to order, separated by a few minutes, by the president, who accused her of asking questions that were off-topic and outside of the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal (from April 17th 1975 to January 6th 1979).

Her Cambodian colleague, Kim Mengkhy, quickly requested to interrogate the accused: in your opinion, what did Chim Meth’s picture in S-21 prove? Why did someone like Chim Meth, who came from the same district as you, have to be sent to Prey Sar and be treated like a slave? Did you know her father, a high-ranking police officer, educated and native from the same district as you? You said that women’s interrogations were entrusted to women, yet the civil party was interrogated by men… Etc. He was inexhaustible. The president intervened: “Do you think the accused is able to answer a flurry of questions?”

Duch selected the questions. He said he did not know the civil party’s father and the photographs “were taken for the superior echelon concerning any detainee they wanted a picture of.” He concluded, on the tone of a studious student to his teacher: “If you have other questions, ask them to me one by one.”

“I am responsible before the court”
The lawyer was not flustered. He had three minutes left: “The accused said that in all the cases, he was emotionally responsible to all the victims for the crimes committed. Can you tell Mrs. Chim Meth present here whether your emotional responsibility applies to her and if so, to what extent?” “Regarding Chim Meth, I am not emotionally responsible,” Duch answered. “I am fully responsible for the crimes committed before the court.”

A confused testimony
Time for the defence. “In this text – which you told us you wrote yourself –, you claimed you were electrocuted. But when you answered a question from the president yesterday, you said you had not been electrocuted. Why the discrepancy?”, Kar Savuth asked Chim Meth. “I did not suffer electroshocks at the detention centre, in Prey Sar, but in my unit, when I was asked to write my biography,” the civil party specified.

“I do not know if I was detained in Tuol Sleng”
When she recently went to Tuol Sleng with CSD representatives, Chim Meth explained to Marie-Paule Canizarès, she was unable to determine whether she had been detained there, as she had been blindfolded. “Is it then fair to say that the only element that makes you say today you may have been detained in Tuol Sleng at the time is the picture of yourself displayed there?”, the lawyer asked. “When I saw my own photograph, and that of other women from my unit, I did not realise I had been detained in Tuol Sleng. […] As I said, I did not know if I was or had been detained in Tuol Sleng. I was imprisoned in a detention centre. Was it Tuol Sleng or not? I did not know.”

Recommendations to the judges regarding a fragile civil party
Chim Meth’s statement was over. Another civil party was waiting to enter the courtroom. But before that, Silke Studzinsky, co-lawyer for civil party group 2, which includes the forthcoming witness, made some “preliminary remarks.” “Today,” she warned, “our client will dare to reveal her story, which is much larger than what is recorded in the civil party application form.” It seemed that this civil party started opening to her lawyers about her past only “very recently.” Silke Studzinsky announced the program for her client’s testimony: her personal relationship with well-placed Khmer Rouge parents, the training she received to become medical staff, her two older brothers who worked in S-21, and a word on the accused. Cautious, the lawyer insisted: “Our client is feeling particularly anxious about taking the floor today before the Chamber. […] It is therefore to be expected that she will be overwhelmed by emotion. […] I ask the Chamber to take this into account. […] I ask you to give time to the civil party without inviting her to control her emotions […], to wait until she recomposes herself or to plan for a recess.”

To judge Cartwright, she specified that her team had met the civil party three times, including once “a very long time ago.” The New Zealand judge recalled to the attention of the civil party lawyers that the Chamber had asked them to provide them with some guidelines on how to treat the witnesses and shot the following comment in Silke Studzinsky’s direction: “We are all experienced judges. I am not sure we require the advice you just gave us.”

A Khmer Rouge civil party at the stand
Mrs. Nam Mon, a 48-year-old farmer, took her seat. In mid-1975, when she was 15, she joined the tiny medical staff of S-21 (three members). The life of that Khmer Rouge family was turned upside down when the father, who worked in “logistics,” was arrested in 1977. One of the older sons – two of them became guards in Tuol Sleng – received the order to execute their father. The ones after the others, they turned to detainees. Six of her relatives did not come back from S-21. Only Nam Mon survived.

Kambol (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 09/07/2009: Mrs. Nam Mon, farmer and former nurse under the Khmer Rouge, during her testimony at the ECCC
©Stéphanie Gée


Accused of betraying the Khmer Rouge cause, she was also arrested early 1978 and was detained for three months at S-21, before being transferred to the Prey Sar re-education camp. There, she was assigned for the five months she spent in the camp to digging pits to bury the dead children. Then, she was sent to another prison shortly before the arrival of the Vietnamese. Nam Mon was still only a child, she recalled, when her father, a “small shopkeeper” joined the Khmer Rouge revolutionary forces. “He was then an informer in Phnom Penh.”

A president who loses patience
The petite woman, who kept her arms stuck to her body and lowered her eyes every time she spoke, gave a vague story, sometimes answering beside the point, which resulted in Nil Nonn becoming irritated and lecturing her: “Please, listen to the question carefully.” The illiterate woman’s answers seemed at times to exasperate the president, while he tried to have her identify the S-21 building where she worked, without using any map… “When you entered through the main gate, was it the building on the left or on the right?”, the judge repeated, lost as to how to phrase the question. The civil party multiplied her answers, with little clarity. “Are you sure you remember which way is East and which is West?”, the judge seemed to worry.

It was only much later that it was decided to show on the screen an aerial picture of Tuol Sleng, which the civil party still struggled to make sense of. When the Cambodian co-Prosecutor suggested to print the document to make it easier for Nam Mon, he was immediately rebuffed by the president, who exclaimed most inappropriately: “Wait until it is your turn to speak.” A countless number of plans and photographs of S-21 exist, which could also have been shown to the civil party.

During her three-month captivity in S-21, early 1978, Nam Mon found herself in the hands of interrogators with whom she was unable to argue her statute as a colleague. “They were new. I didn’t know them. The guards were constantly changing.” Her father was detained for six months – a long time in a prison such as S-21.

A number of elements in her story caught the attention: that her relatives were killed, according to her, in S-21 at a time when executions took place on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, in Choeung Ek, to avoid epidemics, or that her mother did not work under the Khmer Rouge before her arrest, as she indicated. The former S-21 nurse may also be able to shed new light on the medical experimentations and the practice of drawing blood that were allegedly performed on S-21 prisoners and which Duch has finally started acknowledging since very recently.

The hearing was adjourned earlier than usual. In spite of an additional recess and the presence of a member of the Victims Support Unit by her side, it became too much for Nam Mon when she was shown the picture of one of her disappeared relatives. She is scheduled to come back and finish her testimony on Monday July 13th.

(translated from French by Ji-Sook Lee)

Supreme respect

Photo by: DAVID MURPHY


The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
DAVID MURPHY

Monks from several Phnom Penh pagodas, including Wat Ounalom, Saravan, Biphork Rangsy, Bhuddhgausajar, Srashchork and Kors, march Thursday towards Wat Botum to pay their respects to Supreme Monk Non Nget.

KR Tribunal: Bar takes no action on KRT lawyer

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Georgia Wilkins

KR Tribunal

The Alaska Bar Association has decided to take no action against Michael Karnavas, defence lawyer for Ieng Sary, after judges at the Khmer Rouge tribunal threatened to sanction him in March for publishing court documents on an independent Web site. Karnavas said Thursday he felt "vindicated" by the bar's decision, which stated that the judges' "breach of confidentiality" over their Web site did not warrant a formal investigation. "I feel vindicated and can only hope to get a hearing before the pretrial chamber on this matter," Karnavas said. Lawyers took down a selection of documents from the Web site in March, but denied any of them were confidential.

King Father Sihanouk returns from Beijing

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Sam Rith

After nearly a year living in the Chinese capital, the King Father returns to Cambodia, earning praise from members of civil society and local politicians.

KING Father Norodom Sihanouk and his wife Queen Monineath Sihanouk arrived safely in Cambodia on Thursday at 3:30pm at Siem Reap International Airport, the first time he has been on Cambodian soil in almost a year, said Prince Sisowath Thomico, who arrived from Beijing with Norodom Sihanouk.

Sisowath Thomico said the 87-year-old King Father had been cured of his third bout of cancer and appeared healthy, adding that he did not yet know his schedule for his two months in Cambodia.

Politicians and members of civil society alike celebrated the arrival of Sihanouk, expressing their respect for the former King and head of state.

An independent leader
Kong Bora, a Sam Rainsy Party parliamentarian, said Thursday that all politicians should look to Sihanouk as a model of political independence.

"The Sam Rainsy Party considers the King [Norodom Sihanouk] as the father of national independence who reconciled all politicians from all political parties," he said.

Rong Chhun, president of the Cambodian Independent Teachers Association (CITA), said on behalf of civil society he was very happy that the King Father was back in Cambodia and wished he would stay longer.

"The return of the King Father is good for our Khmer society. His presence in the country will make the citizens feel warm," he said. "We want to have him stay in Cambodia - his homeland - forever, rather than stay in another country."

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If after this ... examination my cancer does not reappear then i can return.
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But according to a letter from the King Father on Monday, he will fly back to Beijing on September 3 at the behest of his "very eminent Chinese doctors" with King Norodom Sihamoni, who will have a health examination in the Chinese capital.

Medical tests
The letter said that he planned to stay in China until at least February 2010, when he will undergo both a PET scan and an MRI.

"If after this double examination, my cancer does not reappear, then I can return to Cambodia," he wrote.

Sihanouk wrote that he was honoured and happy to be staying in Cambodia from Thursday through September 2, where he will be "in the midst of my lovely compatriots".

Sihanouk was crowned King at age 18 in 1941 with French approval, but in 1953 he helped Cambodia win full independence from France.

Two years later, he abdicated the crown to his father so he could pursue political office. Norodom Sihanouk ran Cambodia from 1953 to 1970, when he was deposed by Lon Nol.

Afterwards, Sihanouk entered into an uneasy alliance with the Khmer Rouge, who came to power in 1975. During that time, he remained under house arrest in the Royal Palace.

Sihanouk returned to the throne in 1993 until he abdicated the crown to Norodom Sihamoni in 2004.

Editor pleads for PM's pardon

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
MEAS SOKCHEA and SEBASTIAN STRANGIO

OPPOSITION newspaper publisher Dam Sith has issued a "sincere apology" to Prime Minister Hun Sen after a government lawyer filed defamation, disinformation and incitement lawsuits against him at Phnom Penh Municipal Court on Tuesday.

In a letter dated Wednesday, Dam Sith apologised to the prime minister for "serious mistakes" committed while at the helm of the opposition-aligned Moneaksekar Khmer, pledging to cease publication of the newspaper if he receives a pardon from Hun Sen.

"In the past, I repeatedly failed to act properly and seriously affected the honour of Samdech [Hun Sen] and the CPP leadership through my Moneaksekar Khmer newspaper," Dam Sith wrote.

"I am asking for the highest permission of Samdech to forgive me so that I can escape the court charges against me."

He added: "In exchange for the generosity of Samdech and the CPP leadership, I promise to discontinue the publication of Moneaksekar Khmer after I receive a pardon from Samdech."

Dam Sith received a summons Tuesday from Phnom Penh Municipal Court Deputy Prosecutor Sok Kalyan, asking him to appear July 14 for questioning over a series of articles published in the newspaper earlier this year.

Sok Kalyan declined to comment when contacted on Thursday. But Long Dara, the government lawyer who filed the lawsuits, said the letter had reached Hun Sen, who ordered him to withdraw the complaints against the publisher.

"He has written a letter of apology acknowledging the mistakes he has made.... We will drop the complaint today [Thursday]," he said.

He said that since February, Moneaksekar Khmer had continually published articles that sought to "incite" conflict between government leaders.

Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Eng Chhay Eang said he was unsurprised by Dam Sith's appeal to Hun Sen and did not blame him for requesting a pardon.

"The government is now using the court to silence freedom of expression. We are not disappointed with [Dam Sith] - we have pity on him," he said.

'Critical phase'
But following the apology, and subsequent pardon, of Sam Rainsy Party lawyer Kong Sam Onn on similar charges Tuesday, civil society groups say the country is entering a critical phase in its democratic development.

Kong Sam Onn had filed a defamation lawsuit against Hun Sen on behalf of SRP lawmaker Mu Sochua in April, prompting accusations of professional misconduct by the Cambodian Bar Association and a defamation lawsuit from government lawyers.

"I think this is the beginning of the end for press freedom in Cambodia," said Moeun Chhean Nariddh, director of the Cambodia Institute for Media Studies.

He also expressed fears the fate of Moneaksekar Khmer - one of only two opposition newspapers in Cambodia - could parallel the fate of former opposition newspaper Sralanh Khmer, which went over to the ruling party after its editor Thach Keth defected to the government in 2006.

He said, "If the editor-in-chief has apologised to the government, it is very likely he will receive a pardon from the prime minister and then either the newspaper will be shut down or it will [start] publishing as a pro-government newspaper."

Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, also highlighted the Sralanh Khmer situation, but said that civil society activists were unsure about when the current crackdown will end.

"It's a growing concern that any of us could be charged and potentially thrown in jail or be pressured to join the CPP," he told the Post.

"That would be a new low, a terribly new low. The question is when it will reach the point of no return."

New S-21 abuse claim

Photo by: AFP
Civil party Chin Meth testifies Thursday at the Khmer Rouge tribunal, where she described living conditions at Prey Sar.

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Robbie Corey-Boulet

Court hears witness who altered her story from her application.

ACIVIL party told Cambodia's war crimes court Thursday that one of her brothers who was working as a guard at Tuol Sleng prison was ordered to execute their father before he himself was killed.

Nam Mon, 48, said she worked as a medic at the secret detention facility, also known as S-21, until she was arrested in 1978. She said she, her father, her mother and all four of her brothers were detained there, and that only she escaped execution, after being sent to Prey Sar, or S-24.

Her testimony was prefaced by comments from her lawyer, Silke Studzinsky, who said that Nam Mon's story had been altered since she originally applied to become a civil party. Studzinsky said her client had come forward with her new story about 10 days ago.

Four civil parties had their testimonies challenged by judges and lawyers this week, including two whose testimonies were said to have deviated from their civil party applications. The trend has raised concerns from one defence team that the applications have not been thoroughly vetted.

Under questioning from Presiding Judge Nil Nonn, Nam Mon said she heard about the story of her brother killing her father from a fellow medic and did not witness the incident herself.

"I did not see him, but [the other medic] told me about the incident," she said. "She said that my brother was ordered to kill my father, and that he was later on executed, too."

She said she worked as a medic at Tuol Sleng beginning in 1975, and that two of her brothers worked as guards. She also said she saw her father shortly after he was arrested, and that she was later accused of being "a daughter of the traitor".

In an interview Thursday evening, Studzinsky said Nam Mon had not changed any aspect of her original story, but rather had elaborated on the details of how her family members were killed as well as her own role at Tuol Sleng.

"We can just say that she added more," Studzinsky said. "It's an amendment."

Nil Nonn challenged Nam Mon to demonstrate her knowledge of, among other things, the precise location and organisation of Tuol Sleng.

Her account of Tuol Sleng diverged in several respects from those offered by other witnesses and civil parties. She said she was interrogated in the same room where she was held, whereas others have reported being taken to a separate interrogation room. She said guards tightened the shackle that had been placed around her ankle during interrogations, though she did not mention other frequently cited torture methods such as beatings and electrocution.

Although shackle-tightening has not been one of the torture methods frequently cited, Studzinsky said she had "no doubt" that Nam Mon's account was true.

"We do not know about how female prisoners and staff members were then treated," Studzinsky said, noting that no other female Tuol Sleng survivors had testified at the court.

In her prefatory remarks, Studzinsky said her client's testimony would include references to prison chief Kaing Guek Eav's personal and physical involvement "in treatment towards two of her relatives who were imprisoned in Tuol Sleng". No such references were made Thursday, and Studzinsky declined to elaborate Thursday evening, though she said she hoped the topic would be raised when testimony continues Monday morning.

Female detainees
Also Thursday, the court heard the conclusion of testimony from Chin Meth, a civil party who described how women who were detained during the Khmer Rouge years tried to help one another overcome beatings, forced labour and thoughts of suicide.

Chin Meth, 51, said she was recruited against her will to fight for the Khmer Rouge in 1974 and joined an all-female soldier unit.

She said the unit was trained to use weapons including rocket launchers, grenades and AK-47s. Because she could not handle them, she was tasked with carrying weapons and ammunition to soldiers at the front, she said.

She was eventually arrested and detained for 15 days at a facility she could not identify before being sent to Prey Sar. At the first facility, she said she was beaten with a stick, and she described how a fellow detainee tied a krama around her leg to stanch the bleeding from wounds she sustained.

She said she was detained in a cell with two other women, and that the three of them contemplated suicide.

"If there was a tool nearby, then we would all agree to commit suicide," she said. "However, in that room there was no tool.... We thought of committing suicide, but we had no opportunity."

She added: "We understood one another very well. We knew the suffering, and we knew that we could not stand the situation. We wished that we could be living peacefully with our parents. We were betrayed. That's why we made the decision to commit suicide together."

King begs: Plant trees

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Khouth Sophak Chakrya

King Norodom Sihamoni decries illegal logging at a convention marking National Forest Day.

KING Norodom Sihamoni has called on Cambodians to stop logging illegally and start planting trees to prevent Cambodia's forests from disappearing.

"If you continue to pull down our forests, you will continue to kill yourselves and your communities and your nation," he said Thursday .

"Please, all illegal loggers stop logging the forest and stop producing saffron oil because it a drug. Please move to tree planting and farming to protect our natural forest resources," he said.

The monarch's plea came at a convention to celebrate National Forest Day in Krakor district, Pursat province.

He prayed that Forest Day would remind all Cambodian civil servants, armed forces and citizens to "love the forest" and protect and conserve Cambodia's natural resources.

"If everyone plants one tree, we can produce millions of trees per year," he said.

Govt defends 'crackdown'
Minister of Agriculture Chan Sarun said that in the pursuit to crack down on illegal logging, the government had uncovered 266 cases of "forest and wildlife crime" in the first half of 2009.

But Yeam Ly, president of the Association of Protection Development for Cambodian Environment said: "The government may plant 1,000 trees per year, but some high-ranking officials work with illegal loggers to log more than 10,000 trees per year."

City court removes director of Centre for Social Development

Photo by: MICHAEL HAYES
Court officials meet with members of the Centre for Social Development on Thursday to discuss the injunction.

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
CHRANN CHAMROEUN and SEBASTIAN STRANGIO

Theary Seng sacked amid claims and counterclaims as officials execute temporary injunction.

CITY authorities have intervened in a long-running internal dispute at the Centre for Social Development (CSD), a local rights organisation, temporarily removing the organisation's executive director following an injunction filed by a long-standing opponent.

On Thursday, officials arrived at the organisation's office to implement the temporary injunction, dated June 16, replacing chief Theary Seng with Vi Huoi, who claims to represent the CSD's board of directors.

"I am responsible for carrying out the preservation warrant to temporarily suspend Theary Seng as CSD's executive director and replace her with Vi Houi," Phnom Penh Municipal Court deputy prosecutor Sok Kolyan told CSD staff and reporters during a two-hour meeting at CSD headquarters.

Competing claims
But amid the claims and counterclaims of Theary Seng and Vi Huoi, both of whom claim the legal high ground in the dispute, it remains unclear who has the right to legitimate control of the organisation.

Representatives of Theary Seng, who has served as executive director of the CSD since 2006, rejected the court ruling, claiming in a press release Thursday that Vi Huoi was part of "an unauthorised group of individuals" attempting to seize control of the organisation.

They also claim a previous attempt to have Theary Seng removed as head of the organisation, undertaken by Vi Huoi in May 2008 and then filed to the Ministry of Interior in August, was rejected by the Ministry as "baseless".

Theary Seng said by email from France that the injunction had come "out of thin air", and that the issue had already been decided by the Ministry of Interior.

"This injunction in effect is an indictment of the authority and mandate of the Minister of Interior," she said.

"This is an issue of harassment and abuse of process and reflects once again the absurdity, the brokenness of the judiciary in Cambodia."

Her lawyer Ang Udom added during Thursday's meeting that she felt "hopeless, concerned and pessimistic" about Vi Huoi's appointment.

"We know very well that he doesn't have enough capacity to implement [his duties] and he is not good at communicating with donors," he said.

But Vi Huoi rejected the accusations, telling the Post that he had resorted to legal action because Theary Seng refused to comply with a 2008 board decision terminating her from her position.

"When the board hired her, she signed a contract, she did not respect it, and she went out and formed a new board, which is not legal according to our Constitution," he said.

He added: "The injunction is a legal issue, and we have to respect the law - the law is above us all."

Chan Soveth, a monitor for local human rights body Adhoc, said the court's warrant appeared to follow the law, but expressed concerns the organisation would suffer as a result of the change in leadership.

"I feel worried that the work will not go smoothly because staffers are not happy with the new board," adding that Theary Seng's absence overseas would only make matters worse, he said.

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY GEORGIA WILKINS

Thai Web site reignites spat over territory

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
THET SAMBATH

ANEW Web site launched by Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva on Saturday has put itself into the forefront of the current border dispute, claiming parts of Cambodia as "lost" Thai territory.

According to local media reports, the new Web site ( www.ilovethailand.org ), which is intended to improve Thailand's national image, includes a video showing the country losing sections of territory to France, Britain and China.

The video also reportedly describes sections of present-day Cambodia - including Siem Reap, Battambang and the disputed Preah Vihear temple - as lost parts of Thailand.

When contacted Thursday, officials ridiculed the view of history aired on the Web site, saying the Thais were bending the truth for political purposes.

"They are twisting the facts of history. It is completely exaggerated," said Phay Siphan, spokesman for Council of Ministers.

"This is a chance for us to explain that the Thais are using history for their political affairs."

Phay Siphan said there would be a response from Cambodian historians to the claims contained on the Web site but that the Council of Ministers would not take any action on the issue.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Koy Kuong said he had not seen the video, but that he would investigate the claims and take action if necessary.

"I will ask the relevant officials to collect information from the Thai government's Web site and translate it. Then we will discuss it later," he said Thursday.

In 1794, Thailand - then known as Siam - annexed Siem Reap and Battambang provinces from the declining Khmer kingdom, but the territories were returned following a March 1907 treaty between Thailand and France.

Thailand retook the territories with Japanese support in 1940-41, but they reverted to Franco-Cambodian control after the war.

Thai Embassy officials could not be reached for comment Tuesday.

Lack of films prompts ministry cancellation of national festival

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
Mom Kunthear

Cinemagoers and filmmakers alike call for more government investment in the sector as plans for biannual National Cinema Festival are nixed.

The Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts said Thursday it will not hold its biannual National Cinema Festival this year, as too few films have been released to sustain a competition.

"It is not because we lack money. Rather, it is that we are lacking in productions, and the quality is still low," said Som Sokun, an undersecretary of state at the Ministry of Culture and Fine Arts.

The festival, which has been held sporadically over the last two decades, was first held in 1991 and again 14 years later in 2005.

Som Sokun said the ministry was taking the decision to cancel the festival as a wake-up call to boost the quality of local productions.

"As we all already know, most Cambodians don't support or are not interested in Khmer films," he said.

"From now on, we are thinking about quality. We will think about quality even if we only get one good film a year, and we want to find good hooks to make our films more enjoyable to Cambodian audiences," he said.

Quality costs money
But Ly Bun Yim, a writer and filmmaker, said Thursday that in order to improve the quality of Cambodian films, serious financial investment is needed.

"There are some aspects of Cambodian films that remain poor in quality - for example, production value is still below international standards. This is mainly because the industry does not have enough money to produce good films and cannot compete with Western movies,"

Chinda Ny, a student at Chaktamok high school, said that young people want to support local cinema, but that the quality of Cambodian films does not match those of other countries and that many people don't bother watching them.

"I want the government to consider how it can improve Khmer films by any means because I know there are many Cambodian people like me who would like to watch Khmer films, not just Western ones," she said.

Municipal official threatens Group 78 families: villagers

Photo by: HENG CHIVOAN
Residents of Group 78 prepare sweet potatoes for sale on Thursday. Phnom Penh Deputy Governor Mann Chhoeun met with 10 families from the community during meetings in which residents said he threatened them with forcible eviction if they did not leave by a July 17 deadline.


The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
KHOUTH SOPHAK CHAKRYA AND CHRISTOPHER SHAY

After individual meetings, 10 families say a Phnom Penh deputy governor tried to bully them into accepting inadequate compensation to leave area.

PHNOM Penh Deputy Governor Mann Chhoeun told residents of Group 78 that if they did not leave their houses by July 17, 500 police and military officers would be called upon to forcibly evict them from their homes, residents told the Post after a Thursday meeting.

"[Mann Chhoeun] did not allow us to say anything," said Li Navy, a 42-year-old Group 78 resident. "He tried to force us to decide between one of three choices to move from our houses ... before July 17 or the police will bulldoze our houses."

Mann Chhoeun confirmed he had met with 10 families from Group 78 on Thursday morning and that, if the families did not move by July 17, he would be forced to "take administrative measures and bulldoze the community on the 17th".

The families met with Mann Chhoeun one at a time, and as each family left, they told the Post that they were threatened by the deputy governor.

"[Mann Chhoeun] told us if we did not move ... our valuables would be destroyed on July 17 by bulldozers," Li Navy said.

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[Mann chhoeun] told us if we did not move ... our valuables would be destroyed.
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The government is offering the community a choice of three compensation packages. The residents can choose from a 5-metre-by-12-metre plot of land in Trapaing Anchanh and US$5,000, a 4-metre-by-7-metre flat in Borey Sensok and $1,000, or $8,000.

Market value for the land is much higher than the government's compensation offers.

The 260-metre-by-45-metre plot of land next to the new Australian Embassy sits on prime inner-city real estate.

According to an independent property valuation by Bonna Realty, the land is worth more than $15 million, or about $1,300 per square metre.

Of the 86 families in Group 78, only eight have agreed to accept government compensation, Mann Chhoeun said, setting up a potential showdown between police and community members next week.

Residents claim that they have occupied the land since the 1980s and have repeatedly sought legal recognition that they own the land, according to the Group 78 lawyer Yin Savat.

The 2001 Land Law states that those living on a plot of land for five years prior to the passing of the law can apply for official ownership.

But Mann Chhoeun told the Post that the community was living illegally on state property and property owned by the Sour Srun company.

"Those people took public land and land owned by the Sour Srun company to be their own," he said.

"An identity card and a family book is not enough to certify the land they are living on is their homeland," he added.

Mann Chhoeun said Phnom Penh was being generous with their offers.

"We pity them, so we will provide them with some land and money so they can live in another place," he said.

According to the Cambodian constitution, the government has the right to evict people from either state or private land for the "public interest", but Article 44 of the Cambodian constitution stipulates the government must pay "fair and just compensation in advance".

"If the Phnom Penh authorities decided to bulldoze the homes of villagers without appropriate compensation ... they will violate the nation's constitution and the land law," Yin Savat said.

Mu Sochua seeks new legal representation

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
MEAS SOKCHEA

SAM Rainsy Party lawmaker Mu Sochua said Thursday that she has asked lawyer Sok Sam Oeun to replace her former attorney Kong Sam Onn, who defected this week to the Cambodian People's Party after Hun Sen filed a defamation suit against him. But Sok Sam Oeun says he has not yet agreed to defend the embattled legislator.

Mu Sochua said Thursday she picked Sok Sam Oeun, the executive director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, because she knew he would not be susceptible to intimidation by the situation.

"I have decided to take lawyer Sok Sam Oeun to defend me. I have already asked him, and he agreed. But he told me to write a letter to ask permission from the court first," Mu Sochua said.

"He is really a very brave lawyer. Some lawyers look brave, but when pressure bores down, they admit defeat," she said.
But Sok Sam Oeun said he has not accepted the position.

"I have not agreed with her yet. My organisation helps the poor, but she is rich," Sok Sam Oeun said.

Inflation rises 1.8pc in June

Photo by: Tracey Shelton
A shopper pays for groceries at Lucky Supermarket in Phnom Penh. Food prices have climbed – along with the price of fuel – which contributed to 1.8pc CPI inflation last month, the government said.

The Phnom Penh Post
Friday, 10 July 2009
ROS DINA

Latest consumer price index data show inflation is picking up steam following May’s 1pc increase, a trend the government blames on food and fuel prices

THE cost of living in Phnom Penh rose 1.8 percent in June compared with the previous month, the government's latest consumer price index (CPI) figures show.

The figure was an increase on the previous month, when prices increased 1 percent, according to government data.

San Sy Than, director general of the National Institute of Statistics (NIS) at the Ministry of Planning, said the rise was due to higher food and fuel prices.

His deputy, Khin Song, said the increase ought not to raise concerns.

"The reason for the rise is because we are in the season when fishing is prohibited," Khin Song said, adding that food prices always increase during the fishing ban of June to August.

Khin Song said food prices tend to drop once the fishing ban expires at the end of August. And he predicted that food prices would not climb higher than they had last year.

The NIS figures showed that petrol prices were up almost 8 percent on the month, which caused transport prices to climb 3 percent. Despite the climb, petrol still costs one-third less than it did a year ago when it hit 5,700 riels a litre.

The other category item that drove the monthly cost of living figure higher was food, which was 2.3 percent higher overall.

The food basket was more expensive due to a rise in the cost of vegetables (up 5.9 percent), rice (3.4 percent), and bread (3.3 percent). The price of fish climbed 6.2 percent.

Khin Song said that was no surprise since vegetables and rice typically cost more in the rainy season when most farmland is flooded.

The monthly increase means that the cost of living is still 4.9 percent lower than in June 2008, a slight narrowing of the 5.7 percent lower figure recorded in May.

Economist Kang Chandararot, the president of the Cambodia Institute of Development Study, said the rise in the cost of foodstuffs would be seen by some as good news.

"This is a good sign for the economy, especially for farmers who still have rice and vegetables in stock available to sell," he said. "It indicates that their hardships are gradually easing."

The CPI for June was 131.8 when measured against the base figure of 100 calculated for October-December 2006. June's CPI is down from June 2008, when the CPI was 138.5.

The index was driven lower during that period by declines in the price of rice (down almost 19 percent over 12 months) and pork (down 15 percent).

The CPI is made up of a weighted basket of 259 household items costed in markets in the capital. The items include food, drinks, fuel, electricity, clothing, rent and telecoms.