Friday, 1 October 2010

State Department says Cambodia has ability to pay off US debt


via CAAI

By: The Associated Press
Posted: 30/09/2010

WASHINGTON - The State Department says that cancelling Cambodia's debt would set a bad example because the impoverished country has the ability to pay what it owes the United States.

Joseph Yun, a deputy assistant secretary of state, said Thursday at a congressional hearing that even as Cambodia has accumulated debt with the United States, it has paid off other creditors on time.

Yun says the debt stems from low-interest loans in the 1970s for U.S. agricultural commodities. He says it was about $445 million by the end of 2009.

Eni F.H. Faleomavaega, chairman of the House of Representatives Asia subcommittee, says other countries have cancelled debt for Cambodia, while the United States insists on "squeezing this little, least developed country."

Cambodia's Small Debt: When Will the U.S. Forgive?

http://www.state.gov/

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Joe Yun
Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Statement befor the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and the Global Environment House Foreign Affairs Committee

Washington, DC
September 30, 2010

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Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member Manzullo, and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for inviting me here today to testify about the growing U.S.- Cambodia bilateral relationship and, in particular, Cambodia’s outstanding bilateral debt to the United States.

Cambodia in Context

Given the many challenges that Cambodia faced as recent as a decade ago, the country has come a long way in recent years. It is enjoying increasing political stability and is slowly recovering from 30 years of war, including the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge era. Cambodia’s economy was the seventh fastest growing economy in the world over the past decade. While Cambodia experienced a recession in 2009, current predictions call for a return to strong growth in 2010 and 2011.

There has been meaningful progress on political and social issues as well. National elections in July 2008—while falling short of international standards on several counts—were peaceful and allowed the Cambodian people to express their preferences in an open and fair manner. The Cambodian government allowed significantly greater freedom to the political opposition during the 2008 elections than in previous elections and showed some willingness to engage on civil liberties and human rights issues. The government recently passed anti-corruption legislation and revised its massive penal code—significant steps in Cambodia’s fight against corruption. Cambodia has also made commendable progress in combating human trafficking, increasing prosecutions and convictions of traffickers, and launching a new National Committee to combat human trafficking, as well as establishing new national minimum standards on victim protection. According to an August 2009 public opinion poll, 79 percent of the Cambodian population believes that the country is headed in the right direction.

In regional and global arenas, Cambodia has sought a larger role in recent years, as illustrated by its participation in international peacekeeping efforts, its involvement in the Lower Mekong Initiative in partnership with the United States, and its campaign for a rotating seat on the UN Security Council. Cambodia’s main foreign policy challenge is, not surprisingly, managing relations with its larger neighbors. Cambodia-Thailand relations have been strained since 2008, in part related to border disputes, but bilateral dialogue has begun to diminish that tension. Relations with Vietnam are good, but final resolution of an ongoing Cambodia-Vietnam border demarcation process remains elusive. China is an increasingly important provider of assistance and foreign investment in recent years, a fact that encourages Cambodia to keep relations with China on a positive footing.

Despite a generally positive trend on most of Cambodia’s domestic matters, several economic and political issues continue to cause significant concern among local populations as well as the international community. Most Cambodians remain poor, with endemic corruption and impunity limiting efforts to improve their standard of living. Political expression is stifled, including by employing criminal defamation and disinformation laws to intimidate and prosecute politicians and journalists. The judiciary remains weak, politicized, and overwhelmed. Arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killings remain a problem. Land disputes and forced evictions, sometimes accompanied by violence, persist. HIV/AIDS and maternal mortality as well as persistent gender based violence stand as critical areas for continued improvement. All of these issues must be successfully and fully addressed for Cambodia to achieve its full democratic and economic potential.

U.S.-Cambodia Bilateral Relations

U.S.-Cambodian relations have continued to improve over the past few years. The tempo of interaction has quickened, and there has been both a broadening and deepening of positive engagement in a number of key areas. We benefit from Cambodia’s cooperation on law enforcement issues, human trafficking, counterterrorism, demining, and efforts to account fully for Americans missing from the Indochina conflict. Our security cooperation with Cambodia is maturing, allowing us to focus even more on such areas as defense reform and professionalization, regional cooperation, international peacekeeping, border and maritime security, counterterrorism, and civil-military operations. The Global Peace Operations Initiative “Angkor Sentinel” exercise in 2010 was a milestone in our growing military-to-military cooperation and exemplifies Cambodia’s commitment to international peace and stability. With United States encouragement and support, Cambodia has taken increasingly responsible positions on the world stage, including sending de-mining teams to participate in UN missions to the Central African Republic, Chad, and the Sudan.

We have actively supported the Khmer Rouge Tribunal’s efforts to bring perpetrators of that era’s atrocities to justice, and commended the tribunal’s handling of the Kaing Guek Eav, aka “Duch,” case. We paid close attention to previous allegations of mismanagement and corruption within the court administration, and successfully pushed for the appointment of an Independent Counselor function in August, 2009. Since then, the Independent Counselor has developed as a credible oversight and preventive mechanism. We and other donors are satisfied with its work. On March 31 of this year, Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Stephen J. Rapp announced a U.S. contribution of $5 million in FY2010 Economic Support Funds to the court, and we will seek ways to continue our support. Former Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Clint Williamson was recently appointed by the UN as Special Expert to the court in order to provide legal and administrative expertise as it continues its work.

Unfortunately, Cambodia’s December 2009 forced removal to China of 20 Uighur asylum seekers, in contravention of its international obligations and long-standing cooperation with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, has complicated our efforts to further deepen the bilateral relationship. We have called on the government publicly and privately to uphold its international obligations to asylum seekers and refugees in the future, and seek assurances that cooperation on these issues in the future will be the norm.

We also continue to push the Cambodian government on human rights and rule of law. We have targeted our foreign assistance to support programs that strengthen civil society’s ability to address legal and judicial reform, land rights, anti-corruption, the rights of women and children, prevention of human trafficking, and improving the quality of and access to education. We have also supported reform-minded institutions and individuals, sought to build capacity of public and private institutions, and encouraged expanded political participation by youth and women in elections and political processes. Our foreign assistance is also directed at a broad array of other important issues, including HIV/AIDS, maternal health, demining, professionalization of the military, and promoting economic development. Cambodia’s identification as a “focus country” under the Administration’s “Feed the Future” Initiative allows us to consider ways to expand our assistance into agriculture, food security, and resilience to climate change. The Peace Corps has been active in Cambodia since 2007 and is so popular that the Deputy Prime Minister spoke at the swearing-in ceremony of the most recent group of volunteers. In all, we are aiding Cambodia’s development in FY2010 with more than $72 million, which makes it the fourth largest recipient of Department of State and USAID assistance in the East Asia and Pacific region.

Economy and Trade with the United States:

In 2004 Cambodia joined the World Trade Organization. Between 2004 and 2008, Cambodia was the seventh fastest-growing economy in the world. This rapid development was driven largely by expansion in the garment, tourism, and construction sectors. The global economic crisis had a particularly painful impact on Cambodian economic growth. Because of a slowdown in external demand and foreign investment, Cambodia’s growth dropped from 10.2 percent in 2007 to negative 2.5 percent in 2009. However, there is a positive sign for recovery: International Monetary Fund (IMF) growth predictions for the Cambodian economy currently range from 4 to 7 percent in 2010 and 2011.

The United States has been Cambodia’s top trading partner since 1998, with exports to the United States accounting for approximately 17 percent of Cambodia’s GDP last year. Garments dominate Cambodia’s exports—especially to the United States—and accounted for over $2.6 billion, or 70 percent, of the country’s overall exports between 2007 and 2009. The garment industry employs roughly 350,000 workers, mostly women. Cambodia has developed a relatively good labor record in the garment sector, built through close cooperation with the International Labor Organization and the United States under the Better Work Program. Since the expiration of the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) Multi-Fiber Agreement in 2004, Cambodian garment exports have grown by nearly 20 percent, due in part to safeguards placed on imports of certain apparel from China permitted under China’s WTO accession agreement. These safeguards expired at the end of 2008. Due in large part to poor external demand, merchandise exports contracted by 8.6 percent in 2009, the first annual contraction since the mid-1990s. The Cambodian government, the garment industry, and labor unions are strong supporters of legislation that would allow duty-free access for garments from Cambodia and other less developed countries.

Cambodia’s liberal investment regime has led to increased investment from Asian countries, particularly South Korea and China. American investors have lagged behind this trend, but a U.S. commercial presence is starting to expand rapidly. A weak business environment, poor infrastructure, inadequate enforcement of labor laws, and the highest energy costs in the region pose significant challenges to private sector-led growth. The government needs a more comprehensive, coordinated response to improve the competitiveness of Cambodia’s economy. Moreover, irregular adherence to rule of law, endemic corruption, an incomplete regulatory framework, and underdeveloped human resources prevent Cambodia from becoming more economically competitive and hinder its full development potential. For all its growth over the past decade, Cambodia remains one of the poorest countries in Asia, relying on close to $1 billion per year in foreign assistance.

Under the United States-Cambodia Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) and the Economic Growth Bilateral Assistance Agreement, the United States is seeking to deepen and expand bilateral trade and investment ties. We support Cambodia’s efforts to implement its WTO commitments and other domestic economic reforms, and seek ways to assist Cambodian authorities in areas such as Intellectual Property Rights enforcement, transparency, anti-corruption, and effectiveness of the banking and financial sectors.

U.S. Policy on Restructuring Official Foreign Debts

Debt relief can be an important means of achieving U.S. goals of promoting economic growth, well-functioning financial markets, and economic reform abroad. Longstanding United States policy is to coordinate sovereign debt restructuring internationally, primarily through the Paris Club group of official creditors. This multilateral approach is a good value for the U.S. taxpayer because it increases recoveries from countries that are not paying their debts to the United States while maximizing benefits of debt relief for heavily-indebted, low-income countries that are unable to meet their payment obligations.

The United States provides debt cancellation only in limited circumstances, the majority of which are through the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. This approach provides U.S. resources to pay for the budgetary cost of debt relief for countries that are facing an unsustainable debt burden. To be eligible, HIPC countries must face a debt-to-export ratio greater than 150 percent and a debt-to-revenue ratio above 250 percent, among other factors. In the first stage, debtor countries commit to implementing economic reforms aimed at reducing poverty and avoiding a new build-up of unsustainable debt. Upon successful completion of the first stage, the United States and other Paris Club members jointly evaluate requests for debt cancellation and then reach individual implementation agreements with the debtor country. Throughout the process, State and Treasury officials rely heavily on International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank assessments of a debtor country’s financial need for debt relief and willingness to undertake reforms. Congress has reinforced this need-based approach to debt relief by enacting statutes such as the Special Debt for the Poorest authorization (enacted this year as Section 7033 of Division F, Department of State, Foreign Operations and Related Program, of the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2010, P.L. 111-117) and the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (Title V of Appendix E of H.R. 3425, as enacted into law by Section 1000(a)(5) of P.L. 106-113, as amended). These statutes authorize the Executive Branch, under specific circumstances and criteria, to reduce sovereign debts.

Cambodia’s External Debt

Cambodia’s public debt is almost entirely external. In 2009, Cambodia’s debt outstanding to foreign creditors was nearly $3.2 billion, over one-quarter of which is owed to the United States and Russia. At the end of 2008, Cambodia’s external public debt was 25 percent of its GDP. According to the most recent assessment by the IMF, Cambodia is at a moderate risk of debt distress, with rising contingent liabilities warranting increased vigilance. IMF data indicate that in 2008, Cambodia’s debt-to-exports ratio was 37 percent and its debt-to-government revenues ratio was 167 percent (net present value terms). Cambodia, therefore, does not qualify for HIPC status. In 2005, HIPC was supplemented by the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI), under which the IMF and the World Bank grant full debt forgiveness to any country that has completed its HIPC program. Cambodia, however, was granted an exception to the usual eligibility criteria for MDRI and benefited from $82 million in IMF debt relief in January 2006.

Cambodia’s Debt to the United States

Cambodia’s bilateral debt to the U.S. government remains an irritant to the relationship. A satisfactory resolution of Cambodia’s debt would accelerate the development of an already improving bilateral relationship and enhance Cambodia’s own economic development by improving its creditworthiness and access to international capital markets.
Cambodia’s debt stems from shipments of U.S. agricultural commodities, such as cotton, rice, and wheat flour, financed with low interest-rate loans by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) under Title I of the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954, or P.L. 480 (now entitled the Food for Peace Act). The United States and Cambodia signed three P.L. 480 Title I agreements in 1972, 1973, and 1974, during the Vietnam War and Cambodia’s turbulent Lon Nol era. The United States accepted significant payments in local currency under a “Currency Use Payment” provision commonly included in such agreements; the remainder of the debt was to be paid in dollars. The Lon Nol regime never consolidated its hold on the country and in 1975 Cambodia fell to the Khmer Rouge, which ceased servicing this debt. Arrears and late interest have accumulated since that time. By the end of 2009, Cambodia’s total debt to the United States totaled approximately $445 million. About $405 million of that amount is in arrears and would be due immediately upon the implementation of any agreement to pay the debt.

In 1995, the Paris Club group of creditor nations and Cambodia reached an agreement to restructure Cambodia’s debt on Naples terms – then the most generous treatment in the Paris Club’s “toolkit.” At the time, the United States was by far Cambodia’s largest Paris Club creditor. Cambodia benefited from a 67 percent reduction of certain non-concessional debts and a long-term rescheduling of certain concessional debts. Since all of Cambodia’s debt to the United States was contracted on concessional terms at below-market interest rates, the Paris Club agreement called on the United States to consolidate arrears and future payments scheduled between January 1, 1995 and June 30, 1997 into a new loan payable over 40 years following a 16-year grace period. Debt service falling due on or after July 1, 1997 was to be paid according to the original schedule. Cambodia eventually signed debt agreements with France, Germany, Italy, and Japan to implement the 1995 Paris Club agreement and began paying those countries accordingly. The United States and Cambodia never concluded a bilateral implementing agreement, in part because the Cambodian government refused to accept responsibility for debts incurred by the Lon Nol regime and also because of a disagreement at the time over the amount of debt owed.

After several years of deadlock, debt negotiations resumed over the 2001-2005 period, with the active involvement of the U.S. Departments of State, Treasury, and Agriculture, and U.S. Embassy in Phnom Penh. After carefully examining the available legal authorities, the U.S. negotiating team's offer to the Cambodian government showed significant flexibility on the amount of debt owed, offering concessions of nearly $100 million from USDA.

In February 2006, the Cambodian Minister of Finance indicated that Cambodia agreed with the United States, in principle, that the amount of principal it owed was $162 million. He also agreed to move forward in drafting a Bilateral Agreement implementing the 1995 Paris Club Agreed Minute. Based on this understanding, the United States drafted a bilateral agreement that retroactively implemented the 1995 Paris Club agreement, including USDA’s concessions, and presented it to the Cambodian government in the summer of 2006. The proposed U.S.-Cambodia bilateral debt agreement would reschedule the consolidated P.L. 480 debt at the original interest rate of 3 percent – a highly-concessional rate given the interest rate environment of the early 1970s.

To date, the Cambodian government has been unwilling to sign the draft bilateral agreement and now seeks additional concessions. Specifically, it seeks a lower interest rate and/or a debt swap arrangement. Longstanding U.S. debt policy, in keeping with Paris Club principles and U.S. budget rules, is to retain the same interest rate of the original loans in any rescheduling of those loans. Offering a lower interest rate would be an unauthorized form of debt reduction.

Cambodian officials have also indicated that domestic political obstacles still make the government reluctant to accept responsibility for debts incurred by the Lon Nol regime. Although some Cambodian observers may argue that this debt is illegitimate, the United States has on its side the international law principle that governments are generally responsible for the obligations of their predecessors. The government of Iraq accepted the debts incurred by Saddam Hussein. The civilian government of Nigeria accepted responsibility for debts accumulated by military governments that ruled the country in the 1980s and 1990s. Similarly, Afghanistan accepted the heavy debt burden left by decades of foreign occupation and civil war. There are many other examples.

Senior U.S. government officials have repeatedly encouraged Cambodia to live up to the 1995 Paris Club agreement it signed with the United States and other creditors, and urged it to sign the pending U.S.-Cambodia bilateral agreement without further delay. However, Cambodia may be reluctant to accept the current proposal to settle the bilateral debt issue if it believes there are good prospects of converting a significant amount of the debt service it would otherwise pay to the United States into a form of increased U.S. assistance.

In past years Cambodia has expressed interest in a debt-for-assistance swap. The only general debt swap program that the United States currently offers is through the Tropical Forest Conservation Act, for which Cambodia is not eligible because of its arrears. Cambodia, however, has focused on the swap arrangement that the United States established with Vietnam in 2000, and is seeking a similar statutory program. Observers often compare Vietnam and Cambodia for geographic and historical reasons, but several distinctions about the treatment of the debts these countries contracted with the United States are worth highlighting. In 1993, Paris Club creditors provided Vietnam a debt rescheduling on terms similar to Cambodia’s 1995 Paris Club debt agreement. Vietnam signed a bilateral implementing agreement with the United States in 1997, resumed making scheduled payments, and was in good financial standing when Congress created the Vietnam Education Foundation several years later. This program directs about 40 percent of Vietnam’s total debt payments to the Foundation for joint education initiatives. Because Cambodia is not making scheduled payments, such an individualized debt-swap program is not a possibility.

The Administration is concerned that creating a special statutory debt reduction program for a country that is unwilling, rather than unable, to pay its debts sets a poor precedent for other counties in similar circumstances and sends the wrong message about prudent debt management. Cambodia has accumulated arrears to the United States while paying other creditors on time, and in at least one case, early. Every year, both within and outside of the Paris Club context, the United States reviews and declines similar requests for debt-for-assistance swap arrangements from debtor countries that are current on their debt service and may owe billions of dollars of debt.

The Administration has therefore urged the Cambodian government to sign the pending bilateral debt agreement and re-establish a track record of timely repayments under that agreement. We have told the Cambodian government that if it makes scheduled payments for at least one year, the U.S. government would communicate to the IMF that efforts are underway to resolve official arrears. This action could pave the way, should Cambodia then obtain an IMF program and a future Paris Club debt treatment, for a rescheduling of the accumulated arrears. Unfortunately, the Cambodian government has not responded to this overture and continues to accumulate arrears on debts owed to the United States.

Congress has also expressed its view on the importance of maintaining orderly creditor-debtor relations in a number of statutes, including Section 620(q) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and the Brooke Amendment (enacted this year as Section 7012 of Division F, Department of State, Foreign Operations and related Programs, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2010, P.L. 111-117). These statutes provide for an automatic cutoff of U.S. economic assistance to a country that is in default on certain loans for certain periods of time. Although Cambodia’s USDA debts are not subject to these default sanctions, these statutes reflect Congress's expectation that countries repay their debts to the United States in a timely manner.

Another concern about funding foreign assistance programs through the principal and interest payments of debtor counties is that it circumvents normal budget rules. Congress passed the Federal Credit Reform Act of 1990 requiring U.S. creditor agencies to make realistic estimates about recoveries when calculating the true cost of lending programs. This approach saves U.S. taxpayers money by creating transparent incentives for agencies to manage credit programs efficiently and effectively. Accordingly, the Administration requests, and Congress annually appropriate, funds to be used to pay the U.S. budget cost of cancelling a country’s debt obligation or providing a debt swap. The Cambodian proposal would circumvent this congressional budget oversight mechanism.

In sum, Cambodia’s prompt agreement to resolve U.S. debt claims by drafting a Bilateral Agreement implementing the 1995 Paris Club Agreed Minute, as Cambodian officials proposed in 2006, would eliminate this long-standing dispute in a scenario of otherwise improving bilateral relations. A Cambodian agreement would also enhance the country’s creditworthiness and its ability to access international capital markets. Other countries following this path have benefited enormously.

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to appear before you today and welcome any questions you may have. Thank you.

Union Rep Hospitalized After Assault

Heng Reaksmey, VOA Khmer

Phnom Penh Thursday, 30 September 2010
 
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Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS
Chea Mony, president of Cambodia's Free Trade Union of Workers.

“This is not an accident. It is an attempted assassination of a Free Trade Union representative.”

A factory representative for the Free Trade Union was severely beaten and hospitalized on Thursday, union officials and police said.

Phao Sak, 26, was in serious condition in Calmette hospital in Phnom Penh following the assault.

Union representatives said Phao Sok had tried to bargain for worker bonuses at the Generation clothing factory in Samrong Thong district, Kampong Speu province, ahead of the Pchum Ben national holiday.

Phao Sak was driving on his motorcycle from school to the factory when two unidentified men attacked him near the factory, according to the union, which cited witnesses in a statement Thursday.

The two men hit him repeatedly over the head with boards, the statement said.

“This is not an accident,” Chea Mony, president of the union, said Thursday. “It is an attempted assassination of a Free Trade Union representative.”

Free Trade Union representatives are repeatedly beaten for confronting factories over conditions and incomes, he said.

No suspects have been arrested.

Samrong Thong District Police Chief Khuth Sophal denied the case was an attempted murder. “I think maybe it's because of a drunken altercation. However, police will investigate.”

The Free Trade Union of Workers of the Kingdom of Cambodia was not among those who participated in a general strike last week, but it is among the most powerful unions in Cambodia's garment sector.

In 2004, the union's president, Chea Vichea, was shot and killed by unknown assailants. At least three other union leaders have been killed since then.

Tensions between factories and workers have run high for weeks, with employees demanding better incomes in the face of rising living costs and factories facing competition in a shrunken global marketplace.

US Subcommittee To Hold Hearing on Old Debt

Men Kimseng, VOA Khmer

Washington, D.C Thursday, 30 September 2010
 
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Photo: ASSOCIATED PRESS
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, right, talks with U.S. Congressman Eni Faleomavaega, left, during a meeting in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Jan. 7, 2010. Faleomavaega will oversee the hearing.

“We seek the understanding and goodwill of the honorable members of the Congress, the US administration, and the people of the USA in granting a favorable consideration of our request for the cancellation of the related debts.”

A US House of Representatives subcommittee is scheduled to discuss Cambodia's war-era debt on Thursday.

Cambodia has repeatedly sought the elimination of $300 million in debt from the Lon Nol era, without success. Prime Minister Hun Sen called it a “dirty” debt that should not be repaid.

The Foreign Affairs Committee's Asia, Pacific and Global Environment Subcommittee will discuss the debt Thursday, according to the committee's website.

According to a position paper to be given by Cambodia at the hearing, the government is seeking a wave of the debt due to a “multitude of challenges and constraints facing the country after the adverse impacts of the global economic and food crisis.”

“We seek the understanding and goodwill of the honorable members of the Congress, the US administration, and the people of the USA in granting a favorable consideration of our request for the cancellation of the related debts,” according to a copy of the paper.

Eni Faleomavaega, a Democrat from American Samoa and chairman of the subcommittee, will oversee the hearing. Joseph Yun, the State Department's deputy assistant secretary in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, will be the witness.

For Small Cambodia, a Prescription of Neutrality

Men Kimseng, VOA Khmer

Washington, D.C Thursday, 30 September 2010
 
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Photo: By Soeung Sophat, VOA Khmer
Chheang Vannarith, executive director of the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace.

“Cambodia should not lean toward any side, so that it can absorb the benefits from both the US and China. We cannot take one or the other.”

Cambodia stands to benefit from the growing interest from major powers like the US and China, but to do that, it must remain neutral, a leading Cambodian analyst said Monday.

“For a small country like Cambodia, we have to adhere to a neutral foreign policy,” Chheang Vannarith, executive director of the Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace, said, as a guest on “Hello VOA.”

“Cambodia should not lean toward any side, so that it can absorb the benefits from both the US and China,” he said. “We cannot take one or the other.”

While staying neutral can be a challenge, he said, Cambodia can benefit from the backing of Asean. The US has shown interest in the region as a whole, he said, and the Southeast Asian states should stick together.

“Asean should act as one voice, so it can put Asean in the middle way,” he said. “If Asean is weak, Asean can be split up, with one bloc of Asean supporting the US and another going to China. With this scenario, I don't think our region can maintain stability and development.”

The US has begun reaching out toward Asean, whose leaders met with President Barack Obama last week. Meanwhile, Cambodia has maintained a strong relationship with China, which has proved a major investor and donor.

Chheang Vannarith said Cambodia and Asean both must strengthen their human rights records to make the best of US relations.

Women in Sports Play on a Tough Field

Cheng Lita, VOA Khmer

Phnom Penh Thursday, 30 September 2010
 
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Photo: AP
Petanque is a game played between two teams of three players of which the aim is to get your teams ball closest to the 2.5 centimeter (one inch) jack ball with the first team to 13 points being the winner.

“Women foreigners play a lot of sports. It's different from here, where very few women play sports because they are shy.”

Carefully aiming and throwing a shiny petanque ball on a Phnom Penh pitch, Douch Sapoeun and her fellow athletes prepare for an upcoming match abroad. The women have been invited to compete in Vietnam in September and the annual Asian petanque championships in Laos in December.

“We train and train,” Douch Sapoeun said in a recent interview.

Cambodian petanque throwers win, and win often. But the professional options for women in the sport are limited. So too are their numbers.

The Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport estimates that of 259 competitive Cambodian athletes across 20 sports, only 54 are women. (In petanque, 11 of 22 athletes are women.) There are none in boxing, volley ball, football, badminton, cycling or archery.

That may be because many women think sports are mostly for men, said Vath Chamroeun, general secretary of the National Olympic Committee. “They think that playing sports provides no benefit,” he said. “Muscles appear in the long term, making them shy and stop playing more.”

However, some women excel in sports. Chov Sotheara, a wrestler, took bronze medals at the Southeast Asian Games in 2003 and 2005, followed by a gold in 2009.

She started judo when she was 14, and six years later turned to wrestling. She said women should be encouraged to take up sports.

“Women foreigners play a lot of sports,” she said. “It's different from here, where very few women play sports because they are shy.”

There are those who think not all sports are suitable for women. Take Ly Kimnay, for instance. She sells sugar cane juice outside Olympic Stadium. Sports like taekwondo, volleyball, football or anything requiring jumping should be off limits, she said. “But soft petanque is OK.”

Most Cambodian athletes only compete regionally. The National Olympic Committee says only three athletes have been chosen to compete abroad; one is a woman.

Nevertheless, women have a high success rate when they do compete, Vath Chamroeun said. In the 2009 SEA Games in Laos, for example, fewer women competed than men, “but a woman earned a gold medal, and a man didn't.”

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport encourages girls to play in school, said Lack Sam Ath, director of the ministry's sports department. “Especially by creating female football teams to play in school and have competitions.”

Women like Rath Chenda, an English student at Pannasastra University, say more participation could raise the quality of sports in Cambodia in general. But that can only happen when Cambodian families allow their daughters to play. Even then, there's no guarantee that they will play beyond school.

Sok Pheary, a classmate of Rath Chenda, said women should be involved in sports just as they are in neighboring countries.

Courting the Cham

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A cultural revival gathers pace. So do worries about fundamentalism

Sep 30th 2010 | PHNOM PENH

New theatre of terror?

IN THE so-called war on terror, Cambodia is a sleepy outpost on a tense South-East Asian front that stretches from the Philippines to Thailand. Western governments are, however, worried that trouble may be brewing in this backwater.

Security experts fret about the possible perversion of a cultural revival by Cambodia’s Muslims, who mostly belong to the 400,000-strong Cham minority. In the genocidal 1970s the Khmer Rouge executed most leaders of the Cham and tried to exterminate both the tribe and Islam from the Maoist paradise they said they were building. Ben Kiernan of Yale University estimates that 90,000 out of a population of 250,000 died, a higher rate of loss than any other ethnic group. Only 21 imams survived out of 113, along with perhaps 15% of Cambodia’s mosques.

As they struggled from the wreckage, poor Muslim congregations came to depend on foreign charities for help rebuilding their mosques, whose numbers have risen tenfold to around 250 today, says Bjorn Blengsi, an anthropologist. They also became receptive to imported versions of Islam, which tend to be stricter than the traditionally relaxed local variety. Agnès de Féo, another anthropologist and author of “L’Islam au Cambodge et au Vietnam” says both Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia and Tablighi Jemaat from India are gaining adherents.

Nothing wrong with that, perhaps. Most Islamic charities teach the faith and help the poor. But not, alas, all. In one much-publicised incident in 2002, according to the American government, a local member of the Kuwaiti-based Revival of Islamic Heritage Society (RIHS) helped an Indonesian fugitive, Riduan Isamuddin (alias Hambali), the mastermind behind the nightclub bombings in Bali. Hambali, who is now in prison in Guantánamo Bay, reportedly said he had hoped to bomb the American and British embassies in Phnom Penh and to use Cambodia as a base for terrorist operations throughout South-East Asia. RIHS, which has been cleared of links with terrorism by Kuwait’s government, remains active in Cambodia. A local affiliate, the Kuwait-Cambodia Islamic Cultural Training Centre, recently met the president of parliament.

The influence of foreign religious organisations seems to be growing along with rising government loans from Gulf states. These loans include help for rebuilding religious institutions. In January, for example, Cambodia approved an agreement with Kuwait from 2008 in which the oil-rich state promised loans of $546m, mostly for energy and agriculture, and including $5m for new mosques and madrassas (Islamic schools). The only unusual thing about this was that the religious component was revealed. According to Milton Osborne of the Lowy Institute, an Australian think-tank, most aid packages from the Gulf include such a component but do not make it public.

Nothing wrong with that either, of course. But suspect and banned organisations seem to be moving in the slipstream of genuine charities. According to Ms de Féo, the al-Haramain Islamic Foundation and the International Islamic Relief Organisation have both worked in Cambodia. Branches of these bodies appear on the United Nations’ list of organisations banned for their links with al-Qaeda. Several other Kuwaiti charities in Cambodia are on America’s list of groups which finance terrorism, including some local affiliates of RIHS.

The concern of security experts is not that scores of terrorist actions are being carried out or even averted just in time. The most recent example of a terrorist plot hatched in Cambodia was as long ago as 2004, when three people connected to a madrassa in Phnom Penh were convicted of planning to bomb embassies there.

Rather, the worry is that unsavoury organisations are coming into the country to take advantage of the Cham revival. Though the Cham themselves do not seem to be embracing extremism, they remain—understandably given their history—suspicious of outsiders (including Cambodia’s government). Few people really know what is happening inside the areas they control. Fundamentalism remains a force in South-East Asia, and lawless Cambodia is no safe haven.

Sarath Fonseka of Sri Lanka and Sam Rainsy of Cambodia


"Cambodia and Sri Lanka have reached the same point of rejecting the liberal democratic foundations of their countries. The jailing of the opposition leaders of both countries is symbolic of the commonality of the political strategies and ideologies."

via CAAI

Posted by Sri Lanka Guardian
by Basil Fernando

(September 30, Hong Kong, Sri Lanka Guardian) What Sarath Fonseka and Sam Rainsy have in common is that they are the most popular opposition leaders in their countries and that they have been jailed for that very reason. Political popularity is treated as a serious crime in both countries, where the ruling parties are aspiring to create one party rule.

Here are some similarities between the political styles followed by the ruling regimes in both countries:

The ruling regimes enjoy more than 2/3 majority in their parliaments. Hun Sen in fact has 90 seats out of 123 in the parliament, in which Sam Rainsy’s party has 26 seats. When the first election was held after the Pol Pot period May 1993, the opposition party won the election and the party of the present Prime Minister Hun Sen lost despite of their having the territorial control of the largest part of Cambodia. However, through subsequent elections, Hun Sen’s party has gradually gained control of power and the Funcinpec party, which was the party created by the former king, Norodom Sihaneuk. From having the majority, the Funcinpec party, was reduced to two seats in 2008. The next opponent to the ruling party was Sam Rainsy and now he is being jailed on flimsy charges. The ruling regime controls the courts and is able to get whatever verdicts it wants on political matters.


Sarath Fonseka, who was a military leader, was chosen as the common opposition candidate for the elections by several political parties and he was able to get nearly 40% of the vote (he claims that he in fact won the election and was wrongfully deprived of the victory). Later, in the parliamentary elections, he became a Member of Parliament and he was elected while he was being kept in military custody. Later he was sentenced to jail by court martial and the president, his political opponent, confirmed the verdict of the military tribunal. The arrest by the military and the use of the military tribunals was designed to deprive fair trial for the political opponent of the president.

Thus, the manipulation of the judicial process to achieve political ends has become a very essential component of the political apparatus of the suppression in both countries. Cambodia became a liberal democracy only recently. That is, by the agreement of all political parties to the Paris Agreements which created the basis for the United Nations interventions to organize elections after a long period of political devastation of the country.

The constitution which was adopted for the new Cambodia in 1993 declares Cambodia as a liberal democracy. The structure of the constitution is based on liberal democratic principles. However, at the time that the constitution was adopted, none of the basic institutions which were needed for liberal democracy existed in the country. That was because of the ruthless revolution of Pol Pot in which over 2 million people were destroyed and all the institutions in Cambodia were also brought to an end.

The most permanent institution of Cambodia, which was the monarchy, was also virtually brought to an end by the Khmer Rouge revolution, which took place between 1975 and 1979. Thereafter, a group of Cambodians supported by the Vietnamese took over the rule of the major part of Cambodia. The Vietnamese advisors laid the foundations for the infrastructure of administration in the devastated country. Naturally, their system of administration was based on socialist principles. The basic administration is controlled by the ruling political party. The ‘court system’ that was introduced was in fact an apparatus of administration to safeguard the state rather than to protect the rights of the citizens.

It was on this administrative apparatus that a liberal democratic constitution was imposed. Naturally, there was no bridge between the constitution and the actual administration. Within a short period of time, the constitution lost all practical relevance for the administration of the country. Thus, it was possible for the CPP of Hun Sen to reassert their control. Thus, Cambodia became a liberal democracy only in name.

Sri Lanka had a very much longer history of development of civil administration and judicial institutions on the basis of the common law tradition. When the country became independent from the British, Sri Lanka also adopted a liberal democratic constitution. There was a tradition of judicial institutions which had a history of 200 years. The system of civil administration was also had a more or less similar history. Education on liberal democratic principles had gone on for a long period and many persons were qualified as judges, lawyers and civil servants, in foreign universities. Later, the local educational institutes of high quality also developed in the country. The constitution after independence operated on the basis of these developments.

In 1978, however, there was an abrupt change in the constitutional structure of the country. While keeping a façade of liberal democratic jargon, an executive presidential system without any checks and balances was introduced into the country. The executive president was placed above the law and was not answerable to the courts. This was in radical contradiction to the tradition which had existed in the country until then. In the initial stages there was resistance to the new system introduced by the 1978 Constitution and the first Chief Justice, Neville Samarakoon, appointed by the same executive president who created the constitution, symbolized this resistance by his own open opposition to the executive president. However, over several decades, the system got consolidated, undermining the parliamentary system, judicial service and also all the public institutions of the country. Gradually, the executive presidential system devoured and destroyed the liberal democratic system, and its course was completed by the 18th Amendment to the constitution, which was passed just a few weeks ago.

Cambodia and Sri Lanka have reached the same point of rejecting the liberal democratic foundations of their countries. The jailing of the opposition leaders of both countries is symbolic of the commonality of the political strategies and ideologies. The idea that economic development requires a strong leader who is not opposed by other political forces is the core of the ideology that is common to Cambodia and Sri Lanka now.

THAI-CAMBODIA BORDER FACES SERIOUS CHALLENGE IN MALARIA CONTROL

via CAAI

BANGKOK, Oct 30 (Bernama) -- Malaria control is facing serious challenges along the Thai-Cambodian border, especially in containing a protozoan parasite that causes malaria in humans.

Coordinator of the World Health Organisation''s Mekong Malaria Programme Dr Charles Delacollette said a well-coordinated containment strategy was in place along the border.

WHO has developed a malaria containment project in the area by working closely with the governments of Thailand and Cambodia. The US$22.5 million project is funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

"We have to be more aggressive against the deadly Plasmodium falciparium parasite, develop new interventions, improve and encourage human resource engagement, come up with new therapies, and secure the best drugs.

"Winning the war against this parasite is a challenge," said Dr Delacollette in a joint statement issued by WHO and the Bureau of Vector Borne Disease of Thailand''s Ministry of Health.

-- MORE

THAILAND-MALARIA 2 (LAST) BANGKOK

He said it was important for Asean to show strong commitment and ownership in the regional containment and elimination of multi-drug resistant falciparium malaria.

It was along the Thai-Cambodian border about three years ago that the Plasmodium falciparium parasite was found to have developed resistance to artesunate and this raised concerns that renewed efforts to globally eradicate malaria could be imperilled.

"There were fears that a disastrous situation for malaria control in the Mekong region and the rest of Asia and, thereafter in Africa had emerged," said Dr Delacollette.

He said Cambodia was making dramatic progress and as of Sept 14, this year there were only two cases of falciparium malaria out of 5,686 people screened in 16 villages in Pailin which previously was the most affected in the border area.

In the Soi Dao and Pong Nam Ron districts of Chantaburi province of Thailand, falciparium malaria cases dropped from 16 to seven from 2008 to 2009, the year before the cross-border project started, he added.

-- BERNAMA

Cambodia: Freedom of Expression at stake

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New York, Sep 30 : Defamation laws are being used disproportionately in Cambodia against journalists, activists and politicians, an independent United Nations human rights expert said today, warning against a narrowing of the political space in the South-East Asian country.

Surya P. Subedi, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia, also voiced concern about issues related to land and housing rights and the narrowing of political space for members of the opposition.

"There has been a disproportionate use of the law regarding defamation and disinformation against journalists, human rights activists and political leaders," said Surya P. Subedi, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia.

Presenting his report to the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council, Subedi acknowledged that Cambodia has made important advances in recent years in strengthening human rights
, including the enactment of major new laws.

At the same time, he noted that "Cambodia remains a complex country in terms of the protection and promotion of human rights, as democratization has not yet fully taken root."

The major areas of concern are those relating to access to land and housing rights, freedom of expression, and the challenges faced by the judiciary, he said, adding that they continue to dominate the legal and political landscape in Cambodia.

The expert recommended a series of measures to strengthen the independence and capacity of the judiciary and the overall human rights situation.

Subedi also voiced his concern about the narrowing of political space in Cambodia for those belonging to the opposition parties and other political activists, noting the conviction of the leader of the opposition, Sam Rainsy, since the submission of his report to the Council.

He hoped that the conviction will be subject to appeal and urged that this be conducted with the utmost attention to due process and principles of fair trial. --IBNS

Floundering on Cambodian relations

http://news.asiaone.com/

via CAAI

Thu, Sep 30, 2010
The Nation/Asia News Network

The government seems to have run out of ideas for restoring ties with Cambodia, because once again the Foreign Ministry has rolled out old stuff re-packaged as a so-called "new plan".

The first meeting between Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen after months of diplomatic rows produced nothing useful either.

The latest plan announced a few days ago encourages local civilian and military authorities as well as central government agencies to come up with activities that will boost ties with Cambodia.

The activities such as cultural events, sports competitions, media and academic exchanges and economic assistance is really old wine in new bottle and does not address the actual reason for the breakdown of relations.

Frankly speaking, the poor relations between Thailand and Cambodia over the past years mostly was caused by the government and its political supporters.

Ordinary citizens living on either side of the border, local authorities and even the military have had no problems over the past few months. Relations at this end are normal, even though the two governments are at loggerheads.

The only two issues making relations with Cambodia sour are former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and the controversial Hindu temple of Preah Vihear.

Thaksin's relationship with the Cambodian government seems to be a problem for Abhisit's government, not the country. The government was angered when the former PM was made economic adviser to the Cambodian government and Hun Sen last year. Abhisit used all his means, including the downgrading of diplomatic ties, to force Thaksin to step down.

Thaksin eventually relented and resigned as adviser to Cambodia in August. Then Abhisit agreed to reinstate the Thai ambassador to Phnom Penh and Hun Sen reciprocated.

However, the problem with the Preah Vihear Temple is a bit more complicated because Abhisit's government has been addressing the issue in quite the wrong way. With pressure from nationalist groups, the government mixed up the World Heritage Site inscription of Preah Vihear with boundary disputes in the area adjacent to the temple.

The government has used resources and great effort in opposing the inscription of Preah Vihear on grounds that it feared losing sovereignty over the surrounding areas.

Although there is no real implication, Phnom Penh is clearly dissatisfied with Thailand's moves to delay the World Heritage Committee's consideration of the Preah Vihear management plan.

Abhisit wants the dispute over the 4.6 square kilometres surrounding the temple to be settled before accepting a management deal for the site.

One of most effective ways to settle the boundary dispute, at least for now, would be to allow the joint boundary committee (JBC) to do its job of demarcation. The committee is merely waiting for a Parliament approval of its minutes from three previous meetings.

The last meeting was in April 2009, but the minutes of this meeting were not proposed to the Parliament. There should be no problems in making the proposal, but the government does not dare put it forward for fear of pressure from nationalist groups.

The group under the umbrella of the People's Alliance for Democracy, which helped install this government, demanded that the authorities scrap the memorandum of understanding (MoU) signed in 2000 on the boundary demarcation with Cambodia.

The MoU, a basic legal instrument for the JBC, signed when Democrat Chuan Leekpai was in power, recognised the French-made map that showed the Hindu temple as situated on Cambodian territory.

What the government will possibly do now is use delaying tactics to keep JBC's minutes from being read in Parliament. It could hold a series of public hearings on the document after sitting on it for a year and a half.

Obviously, this tactic will do nothing for the bilateral relations, when the government should really let the JBC to resume its job quickly.

A new plan is unnecessary.

Cambodian recites traditional poetry

http://www.browndailyherald.com/

via CAAI

Natalie Villacorta
Contributing Writer
Published: Thursday, September 30, 2010

The McCormack Family Theater transformed into a Buddhist temple Wednesday afternoon. Sreypov Phoeun, who recites traditional Cambodian poetry known as Khmer poetry or "smot," was invited to perform by Visiting Fellow in the Watson Institute for International Relations Tararith Kho.

Smot is an almost vanished art form, said Visiting Professor of Literary Arts Robert Coover, who introduced the performance. Kho is working to revive this dying art, but though he writes Khmer poetry, he does not recite it, he told The Herald. That's where Sreypov Phoeun comes in. She can recite the poetry, but does not write it.

Smot is usually performed at funerals and other Buddhist ceremonies, Phoeun explained before reciting her first poem. But this was no average poetry reading. Phoeun sang the poems, which were sorrowful tales of family, faith, beauty and hunger.

Her somber tone was relevant in light of the recent death of poet and former literary arts professor Michael Gizzi, whom Coover mentioned respectfully in his introduction.

This performance was an unusual opportunity, Coover told the audience, because the literary arts program would not have had the funding to host Phoeun if she were not already in the country on a one-month tour.

Phoeun told The Herald she was invited by several Cambodian Buddhist temples to perform during the recent religious festival of Pchum Ben, when Cambodians pay respect to their ancestors. She said she visited Stanford University and Las Vegas before coming to Brown.

The first poem was in English, but still written in the style of traditional Cambodian poetry. It was difficult to understand what Phoeun was saying, but this proved unimportant, as the meaning was conveyed through the way she sung. Her voice was entrancing and her range remarkable. Her voice gradually slipped lower and lower and then abruptly climbed to a high note, her mouth only slightly open, widening only to breathe. Phoeun sat perfectly still, her back straight, hands neatly clasped in her lap, eyes softly closed.

While singing, she appeared extremely calm, but became flustered when the audience called for an encore. She reluctantly consented, admitting, "I feel a little bit nervous." Before beginning her last piece, she said that though audience members could not understand her language, they could understand what the songs were about just by listening.

Phoeun said there are over 60 ways to sing each smot poem. She could not explain how she learned to translate poems into song or how she chooses which style to sing them in, but said she was taught by masters in her village in Kampong Speu Province.

She concluded her performance by urging audience members to visit Cambodia if they were interested in learning more.

Daughter who survived mother's fatal rampage recalls tragic day

via CAAI

Wednesday, September 29, 2010

The Cambodian grandmother who killed three family members before turning the gun on herself a week ago wore the eerie expression of a "smiley face" as she stalked relatives through their West Seattle home, her daughter recalls.

KEN LAMBERT / THE SEATTLE TIMES
West Seattle shooting survivor Thyda Luellen Phan, center, gets help walking Tuesday as she arrived at the Khemarak Pothiram Buddhist Temple from her sister Pary Sok, left, and her cousin Itaily Sun.


The Cambodian grandmother who killed three family members before turning the gun on herself a week ago wore the eerie expression of a "smiley face" as she stalked relatives through their West Seattle home, her daughter recalls.

Thyda Luellen Phan, who was shot twice but survived, said that her 60-year-old mother could barely walk, but during the deadly rampage, "was running so quick nobody can stop her."

The only explanation the family could give for the killings was that Saroueun Sok was possessed.

"It wasn't her. I can tell from her face. It wasn't her," said Phan, 42.

Phan and about two dozen family members gathered at Khemarak Pothiram Buddhist Temple in Seattle's South Park neighborhood Tuesday evening for a prayer vigil. They have prayed daily since last Thursday's shootings and will continue until the funeral and cremation of the three victims and Sok on Saturday, family members said.

Three members of Phan's family — her husband Choeun Harm, 43, and two daughters, Jennifer Harm, 17, and Molina Phan, 14 — were killed. The three died of multiple gunshot wounds, according to the King County Medical Examiner's Office.

Sok died from a single gunshot wound to the head, the Medical Examiner's Office said.

Two of Phan's other children managed to escape from the home after Phan's mother opened fire.

Tuesday outside the temple, Phan, still in pain from the two gunshot wounds, recalled her mother's struggle with mental illness, the family's history in Cambodia and the day of the shootings.

She said her mother rarely spoke of her experiences in her native Cambodia, but Phan said that two of Sok's children died there, likely of starvation under the deadly Khmer Rouge regime. Sok's parents were also killed and she fled with her husband and surviving daughter.

The family spent almost five years in a Thai refugee camp and another year in the Philippines before being relocated to Philadelphia, where Phan met her husband and had their first child.

Phan and Harm separated for four years and she said she had three sons with a new husband in Seattle. But that marriage failed and her second husband won custody of the boys. Phan said her mother's mental illness began after Phan lost custody of her children.

"When my ex took the kids, she lost her memory. She sit and cry," she said.

Phan and Harm reunited and had five children together, she said.

Phan said her mother enjoyed the children, often spending time with them before bed, watching television and laughing as they sang to a karaoke machine.

Sok never got mad at her, she said.

A year ago, Sok was hospitalized for a month with symptoms of schizophrenia and depression, her daughter said. In the previous weeks, Sok told family members she could not tolerate colors, that she only wanted to see white. She began wearing all white, Phan said.

In the Buddhist religion, white is associated with purity. It is also the color family members wear to a funeral, she said.

When she was released from the hospital Sok's health seemed restored. "She went back to color," Phan said. Her mother and father moved in with the extended family.

At the end of August, the extended family was forced to move from their home in White Center to the three-bedroom home in West Seattle. Eleven members of the family lived on three floors. Phan said that her mother became upset that some of her possessions had been lost in the move. She thought the television was talking directly to her thoughts. She said that nobody liked her, that someone would try to kill her.

On the afternoon of the shooting, Phan, who worked the night shift at a nearby bowling alley and casino, had just awoken and showered. Her husband, Choeun, and her son, Kevin, 16, returned home from mowing lawns and were planning to go fishing.

Sok, dressed completely in white, came downstairs with a check for her son-in-law to take to the bank. Choeun teased his mother-in-law, Phan said, saying she should give the money to him. Then he turned to tie his shoes.

Sok pulled a handgun from her jacket pocket and shot him in the head.

Phan said she thought some fireworks had gone off. But Kevin then began screaming that his father was shot.

Phan ran to her mother and tried to grab the gun. Sok shot her through the shoulder, then took aim at Kevin and two younger sisters on the living-room couch, but missed. She tried to load another clip. When the gun jammed, Sok ran upstairs to retrieve another handgun.

A cousin said that before she opened fire, Sok told her to stay in an upstairs bedroom. The grandmother, speaking as though talking about a stranger, said, "someone has come to kill my daughter and kill her kids."

Downstairs, Phan and her older daughter, Jennifer, crowded around Choeun. Phan was on the phone to 911 when her mother returned and shot her and Jennifer. Sok was smiling, as if "she was playing a game," Phan said.

"She not even care. She [was] not even there. It was not her face at all."

Sok stalked the children into the basement. Several escaped through a window, but Sok circled the house and shot through a window, hitting Molina where she stood over Jennifer, who had collapsed on the floor.

At the hospital, Phan said she asked family members: "Where is Daddy? Where are Jennifer and Molina? Are they here at the hospital, too?" Until, finally, a social worker told her they had all been killed. She left the hospital after only a day, and family members have been dressing her wounds.

On Tuesday, at the temple, family members stroked Phan's arm and held her as she knelt at an altar on which incense and candles burned before photos of her mother, daughters and husband.

A family friend, Sean Phuong, said the family prayed and chanted for forgiveness for Sok, and for the release of the others' spirits from their bodies so they could be reborn into new lives. He said that in the Buddhist cycles of birth and death, someone who kills cannot be reborn as a human. But Phan said the others could return, perhaps even to their own family in the form of a new grandchild or nephew or niece.

"I hope they come back," she said.

Lynn Thompson: 206-464-8305 or lthompson@seattletimes.com

Cambodia's 'Freedom Park' worries rights groups

Cambodian military police carry out an eviction of slum-dwellers in the Cambodian capital Phnom Penh. With a new area of the city being designated as a free speech zone police have vowed to "crack down" on any unauthorised rallies outside government buildings or Prime Minister Hun Sen's home, another popular protest site. (AFP/File)

via CAAI

by Suy Se  – Thu Sep 30

PHNOM PENH (AFP) – It has been billed as Cambodia's version of Speakers' Corner in London, but rights groups fear Phnom Penh's new Democracy Square is designed to keep protesters isolated and out of sight.

Workers are putting the final touches to a 60 by 200 metre (yard), tree-lined open space near the US embassy and the Cambodian capital's famed Wat Phnom temple, which historically marks the centre of the city.

Nicknamed Freedom Park and set to open shortly, it will serve as a designated area for people to air their grievances, not unlike Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park or its equivalent in Singapore.

But rights activists say the move is an attempt to keep protesters off the streets and away from government offices and legislative buildings, which are traditionally the focus of rallies and occasional scuffles with the police.

"Unfortunately, it is far away from the institutions where the decisions are made," said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights, adding that he would have preferred a site near the National Assembly.

While would-be protesters can still apply for permission to stage a demonstration in other parts of the capital, critics expect the government will use Democracy Square as an excuse not to grant such permission.

"When the park opens, the protesters will lose the freedom to protest in front of key institutions," Rong Chhun, president of the Cambodian Confederation of Unions, told AFP.

"They will be threatened and forced to rally at Freedom Park."

Yim Sovann, an outspoken member of parliament from the main opposition Sam Rainsy Party, echoed those concerns.

"It will not be a Freedom Park, but a park to deprive the people of freedom and rights," he said.

He added that the square, an open, unshaded space in a city where temperatures regularly top 30 degrees Celsius (86 degrees Fahrenheit), is too small to accommodate a sizeable crowd.

"We will not stand under the hot sun in such a small place. We will ask for a permit to march through the streets if necessary," he told AFP.

But Phnom Penh's police chief Touch Naruth warned that no more street protests would be allowed because they interrupt the flow of traffic.

He added that police would "crack down" on any unauthorised rallies outside government buildings or Prime Minister Hun Sen's home, another popular protest site.

Last month villagers from Battambang province protesting outside the premier's home about land grabbing were "quite aggressively dragged onto buses" and driven out of town, said Mathieu Pellerin of local rights group Licadho.

And in August 2009, again outside the premier's house, a number of opposition supporters were injured after clashing with police who were seen grabbing, punching and kicking protesters.

Cambodia's government has repeatedly been accused of trying to stifle free speech in the last year.

Last October, it passed a much-criticised law requiring protesters to seek official permission five days ahead of a planned rally and limiting the size of demonstrations in public spaces to 200 people.

Authorities also reserve the right to ban protests on safety grounds.

In a report released earlier this month, Licadho accused the government of continuing to "pursue repressive tactics, terrorising human rights defenders and undermining their ability to defend peacefully the rights of others."

"Now, we see that when rights defenders speak too much, they could end up in jail," the group's president Kek Galabru told AFP.

"Freedom of expression is facing challenges -- it's going down," she said.

But government officials insisted the human rights situation in the country was improving and the park was a good idea, modelled on foreign examples.

"Any country has this kind of place. People can protest and say whatever they want in this place," said government spokesman Khieu Kanharith.

Phnom Penh's Democracy Square will not be Cambodia's only version of Speakers' Corner, as the law calls for similar sites to open in provinces across the country, much to the dismay of activists.

Trying to Lace Together a Consensus on Biodiversity Across a Global Landscape

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By NEIL MacFARQUHAR
Published: September 29, 2010

UNITED NATIONS — Amid the howling motorcades, the scrums of burly security guards and the buzz of countless meetings around the United Nations in recent days, the Venerable Bun Saluth, a Cambodian Buddhist monk with a shaved head, stood out with his vivid saffron robes, his unassuming manner — and for taking what some might call tree hugging to an entirely different level.

Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times
The United Nations honored Bun Saluth for using Buddhist teachings to preserve Cambodian forests.

Using the holy induction ceremony customarily reserved for Buddhist monks, Mr. Bun Saluth ordained individual trees and eventually huge swaths of woodland, lending a sacred aura to thousands of acres in northwest Cambodia. He inspired villagers and ultimately the government to protect them from rampant logging, thereby regenerating a depleted forest.

In doing so, Mr. Bun Saluth accomplished something that has eluded dozens of world leaders who gather regularly at the United Nations, including the annual general debate that ended Wednesday. Despite about two decades of conferences, conventions and commitments, the earth’s biological diversity — or biodiversity for short — steadily erodes as ecosystems suffer and species die out.

Paulo Santos/Reuters
Logging in Brazil’s rain forest in 2008. The earth’s biological diversity is steadily eroding as ecosystems suffer and species die out.

Consensus that something needs to happen has been relatively easy. But the fight over what to do — and who pays for it — has dragged on for years.

As global issues go, biodiversity exists in the shadow of climate change, facing similar problems but attracting a fraction of the attention despite concerted efforts. (In case you had not noticed, the United Nations declared 2010 the Year of Biodiversity.)

Almost every United Nations member state is party to the 1992 Convention on Biodiversity, the holdouts being the United States, Andorra and the Vatican, United Nations officials said.

But like climate change, efforts to move forward have jammed along the well-worn fault line separating developed from developing nations.

The three pillars of the convention are conservation, sustainable development and fair use of resources. But the argument over patenting and paying royalties for those resources, among other issues, has fueled a protracted fight. It will play out next in late October at a conference in Nagoya, Japan.

The debate is so entrenched that a group of 17 nations, including heavyweights like Brazil, India and China, have formed an alliance with an unwieldy name, the Group of Like-Minded Megadiverse Countries, to combat what they call “biopiracy.”

“Countries like Brazil and India are victims of biopiracy over many decades, and we have to protect our bioresources, we have to protect our traditional knowledge,” said Jairam Ramesh, India’s environment minister.

Bringing much of the developing world along, the Megadiverse accuse richer nations and their corporations of colonial practices — pillaging natural resources and indigenous knowledge for medicine, cosmetics and the like without paying royalties. Rather than signing off on a universal protocol governing access and sharing the benefits, some Western nations have said agreements should be negotiated piecemeal.

The problem, according to United Nations officials and scientists, is that in the absence of a global agreement, nations are gradually passing one restrictive national law after another, to the point that a plant or insect that might help combat a scourge on a different continent can no longer be obtained. When Kenya wanted to combat an Asian fruit fly in recent years, for example, Sri Lanka blocked the export of the natural predator, said Achim Steiner, the executive director of the United Nations Environment Program.

Beyond that, scientists say, possibly lifesaving medicines or knowledge might disappear forever. Such losses are likely to worsen because the factors driving them — changing habitat, pollution, overexploitation, invasive alien species and climate change — are intensifying or at least not diminishing, scientists say.

About 1.9 million species have been identified, out of what scientists estimate is a total of around 15 million species on earth. (Microbes account for the anonymous bulk.) There is a spectrum of opinion about the broad risks facing species. Under the natural order of things, some scientists argue, 15 species would go extinct annually. Instead, they are disappearing at a rate estimated at 100 to 1,000 times that. Scientists dub the current loss the Sixth Great Extinction Event. No. 5 was 65 million years ago, when the dinosaurs perished.

But the loss often suffers from an out-of-sight, out-of-mind quality, so scientists try to draw attention to the possible fate of highly visible creatures like the polar bear.

Dr. Eric Chivian of Harvard Medical School points out that polar bears can sleep for months without losing bone mass or even urinating. Studying them might reveal secrets that help humans cope with osteoporosis or kidney failure. But if they die out because their once frozen environment melts, he says, all that could be lost.

It is just one example of how biodiversity and climate change are intertwined, scientists say.

“Every degree centigrade the planet warms will lead automatically to a 10 percent loss in known species,” said Ahmed Djoghlaf, the executive secretary of the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity. Even if the United Nations climate change agreement seeks to limit the temperature rise to two degrees, he said, “It is a death sentence for 20 percent of known species.”

But as with climate change, officials and biodiversity advocates are losing faith in obtaining a “big bang” agreement that wraps all global efforts into one package.

Instead they hope piecemeal efforts by individual countries will eventually reach a critical mass. The United Nations and its allies try to spur that trend in various ways — one is a series of studies assigning an economic value to efforts like forest preservation.

But developing countries are demanding that richer nations underwrite their conservation efforts. “It seems that the standing forest and the wealth of Suriname’s biodiversity are being taken for granted by the global community as there are no structures in place to provide incentives to continue on the path of sustainability,” Desiré Delano Bouterse, the president of Suriname, warned the General Assembly last week.

Poor people who depend on nature for sustenance are likely to suffer the most from the loss of biodiversity, officials say, so they are often the most invested in preserving it. Officials hope that by singling out local projects — Mr. Bun Saluth’s Monks Community Forest in Cambodia, a women’s cooperative in Senegal that has helped bring back species of shellfish and a Vietnamese village that is preserving bamboo were all recognized at an awards ceremony in New York last week — the grass roots will inspire politicians to act.

“The people who best know how to shape and drive development are still the people listened to least,” said Mr. Steiner of the United Nations. “We are erasing the hard disk of life before we have even begun to understand the value it represents.”